
Class _JEl_Li_S 
Book '3 



GopyrightN 



°JpSS 



C42EHUGHT DEPOSTT. 




SIMON BOLIVAR 

From a painting by Arturo Michelena now in the Government 
Palace in Valencia, Venezuela. 



SIMON BOLIVAR 

(EL LIBERTADOR) 

Patriot, Warrior, Statesman 
Father of Five Nations 



A SKETCH 

OF 

HIS LIFE AND HIS WORK 

BY 

GUILLERMO A. SHERWELL 



Washington, D. C. 
19 2 1 






All rights reserved, including that of the translation 
into foreign languages, including the Scandinavian 



COPYRIGHT, 1921, BY GUILLERMO A. SHERWELL 



V* 



^ 



APR 18 1921 



Press of Byron S. Adams, 
*r ' , Washington, D. C. 



1921 



©CI.A611U3 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 
Chapter Page 

Introduction 1 

I. The Spanish Colonies in America 9 

II. Bolivar's Early Life. Venezuela's First At- 
tempt to Obtain Self -Government (1783- 
1810) 14 

III. The Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1811. 

Miranda's Failure (1811-1812) 27 

IV. Bolivar's First Expedition. The Cruelty of War 

(1812-1813) 39 

V. Bolivar's First Victories (1813) 52 

VI. Araure. Ribas Triumphs in La Victoria. A 

"Wholesale Execution (1813-1814) 61 

VII. The Heroic Death of Ricaurte. Victory of Cara- 

bobo and Defeat of La Puerta (1814) 73 

VIII. Bolivar in Exile and Morillo in Power. The 

"Jamaica Letter" (1814-1815) 86 

IX. Bolivar's Expedition and. New Exile. He Goes 

to Guayana (1815-1817) 95 

X. Piar's Death. Victory of Calabozo. Second 
Defeat at La Puerta. Submission of Paez 

(1817-1818) 103 

XL The Congress of Angostura. A great Address. 

Campaigning in the Plains (1819) 113 

XII. Bolivar Pays His Debt to Nueva Granada. 

Boyaca. A Dream Comes True (1819) 122 

XIII. Humanizing War. • Morillo 's Withdrawal (1820) 131 

XIV. The Second Battle of Carabobo. Ambitions and 

Rewards. Bolivar's Disinterestedness. Amer- 
ican Unity (1821) 140 

XV. Bombona. and Pichincha. The Birth of Ecua- 
dor. Bolivar and San Martin Face to Face 

(1822) 152 

XVI. Junin, a Battle of Centaurs. The Continent's 

Freedom Sealed in Ayacucho (1822-1824).. 163 
XVII. Bolivia's Birth. Bolivar's Triumph. The Mon- 
archical Idea. From Honors to Bitterness 

(1825-1827) 175 

XVIII. The Convention of Ocafia. Full Powers. An At- 
tempt at Murder (1828) 189 

XIX. Difficulties with Peru. Slanders and Honors. 

On the Road to Calvary (1829-1830) 199 

XX. Friends and Foes. Sucre's Assasination. The 
Lees of Bitterness. An Upright Man's Death 

(1830) 211 

XXI. The Man and His Work 222 



TABLE OF ILLUSTEATIONS 

' ' Simon Bolivar, ' ' by Michelena Frontispiece <■- 

Memorial Medal Opposite page 1 

(Introduction) 

' ' Simon Bolivar in 1810 " Opposite page 24 *" 

' ' Crossing the Andes " " " 124 l 

"Bolivar in 1828" " "190^ 

1 ' Bolivar, ' ' by Tenerani " " 232 " 

Map to follow Bolivar's campaigns Following page 233 




> 



o - 




^ < 



INTRODUCTION 

In the history of peoples, the veneration of na- 
tional heroes has been one of the most powerful 
forces behind great deeds. National consciousness, 
rather than a matter of frontiers, racial strain or 
community of customs, is a feeling of attachment 
to one of those men who symbolize best the higher 
thoughts and aspirations of the country and most 
deeply impress the hearts of their fellow citizens. 
Despite efforts to write the history of peoples ex- 
clusively from the social point of view, history has 
been, and will continue to be, mainly a record of 
great names and great deeds of national heroes. 

The Greeks, for us and for themselves, are not 
so much the people who lived in the various city- 
states of Hellas, nor the people dominated and more 
or less influenced by the Romans and later the Mo- 
hammedan conquerors, nor even the present popu- 
lation in which the old pure Hellenic element is in 
a proportion much smaller than is generally thought. 
Greece is what she is, lives in the life of men and 
shapes the minds and souls of peoples, through her 
great heroes, through her various gods, which were 
nothing but divinized heroes. Greece is for us 
Apollo, as a symbol of whatever is filled with light, 
high, beautiful and noble; Heracles for what is 
strength, energy, organization, life as it should be 



2 SIMON BOLIVAR 

lived by human beings. Leonidas stands for us as 
a symbol of heroic deeds; Demosthenes as a symbol 
of the convincing powers of oratory and Pericles 
as the crystalization of Grecian life in its totality 
of beauty, learning and social and civic life. Greece 
is a type, is an attitude, is a protest against oppres- 
sion, is an aspiration towards beauty, is an inspira- 
tion and a guide for men who live in the higher 
planes of feeling and thought. But Greece is not 
all that as a people ; Greece is all that through men 
converted into symbols. 

So it is with other peoples. 

Eome still signifies for us the defense?' of the 
bridge against the powerful enemy; a man taking 
absolute power over the State and then surrender- 
ing it to the people from whom it came. Rome is 
republican virtue, and imperial power, — and also, 
alas! imperial degradation. Imperial Rome repre- 
sents persecution of religion which does not recog- 
nize Caesar as a god and the assimilation of re- 
ligions which do not hesitate to add a god to those 
they adore. Rome, too, symbolizes the tendency to 
unity which survives and inspires the life of the 
nations of Europe, if not of the world, — a tendency 
altogether manifest in the last gigantic struggle 
through which mankind has just passed. Rome, 
finally, stands for Law, for the most marvelous so- 
cial machine ever devised by human brains. But 
Rome is all that, and more than that, through 



INTRODUCTION 6 

Horace, Sulla, Cato, Caesar, Cicero, Nero, Caracalla 
and Justinian. 

The confusion of the Middle Ages has some points 
of light, always around a man. The great Frederic 
Barbarossa stands for Germany, as does William Tell 
for Switzerland, as Ivan the Great for Russia, as the 
Cid for Spain, as King Arthur for England and 
Charlemagne for France. 

The modern peoples, those who only lately have 
begun to live as nations, have their heroes, who 
perhaps do not seem so great to us as the old heroes, 
because they have not been magnified by time ; but, 
if compared with men of the past, many of them 
are as great, if not, in some cases, greater. The 
countries of America are at present forming this 
tradition about their illustrious ancestors. And, if 
they want to live the strong life of the nations des- 
tined to last and to be powerful and respected, they 
must persevere in the work of building up around 
their fathers the framework of their national con- 
sciousness. Washington every day appears nobler to 
us, because every day we understand better what is 
the meaning of his sacrifice and his work; every day 
we learn to appreciate more the value of the inherit- 
ance he left to us when he gave us a free country 
where we can think and speak and work, untrammeled 
by the whims and caprices of foreign masters. And 
the nations to the south of us are also building 
their national consciousness around their great heroes, 



4 sim6n bolivar 

among them the greatest of all, Bolivar, one of those 
men who appear in the world at long intervals, se- 
lected by God to be the leaders of multitudes, to be 
performers of miracles, achieving what is impossible 
for the common man. They live a life of constant 
inspiration, as if they were not guided by their own 
frail judgment, but, like Moses, by the smoke and 
the flame of God through a desert, through suffering 
and success, through happiness and misfortune, until 
they might see before them the Promised Land of 
Victory, some destined to enjoy the full possession 
of it, and others to die with no other happiness than 
that of leaving an inheritance to their successors. 
These few pages, devoted to the life and work of 
Simon Bolivar, the great South American Liberator, 
will attain their object if the reader understands 
and appreciates how unusual a man Bolivar was. 
Every citizen of the United States of America must 
respect and venerate his sacred memory, as the 
Liberator and Father of five countries, the man who 
assured the independence of the rest of the South 
American peoples of Spanish speech; the man who 
conceived the plans of Pan-American unity which 
those who came after him have elaborated, and the 
man who, having conquered all his enemies and seen 
at his feet peoples and laws, effected the greatest 
conquest, that of himself, sacrificing all his aspira- 
tions and resigning his power, to go and die, re- 
warded by the ingratitude of those who owed him 



INTRODUCTION 

their existence as free men. The more the life of this 
man is studied, the greater he appears, and the 
nearer he seems to the superhuman. 

The American people, made free by "Washington, 
do not begrudge the legitimate glory of other illus- 
trious men, and if they have not rendered up to 
this time the homage due to Simon Bolivar, it has 
been mainly through lack of accurate knowledge of 
his wonderful work. The city of New York, the 
greatest community in the world, is now honoring 
his memory by placing in a conspicuous section of 
its most beautiful park a statue which the Govern- 
ment of Venezuela has given it; the statue of the 
Man of the South, the brother in glory to our own 
Washington. No greater homage could be paid to 
him than to have American fathers and mothers 
pass by the noble monument, pointing out to their 
children the statue and telling them the marvelous 
story of Simon Bolivar. 

In a book as brief as this it is impossible to 
present documents or to give long quotations. 
Nevertheless, we may fairly i affirm that all state- 
ments herein made are substantiable by documen- 
tary evidence. "We have consulted all the books 
and pamphlets which have been at hand and have 
studied both sides of debatable questions regarding 
Bolivar. To follow a chronological order we have 
been guided by the beautiful biography written by 
Larrazabal, the man called by F. Lorain Petre "the 



6 SIMON BOLIVAR 

greatest flatterer of Bolivar." That this assertion 
is false is proved in the first volume cited below. 
Petre 's monograph contains apparent earmarks of im- 
partiality, but in reality it is nothing but a bitter 
attack on the reputation of Bolivar. Its translator, 
a distinguished Venezuelan writer, is to be thanked 
for the serenity with which he has destroyed his im- 
putations. We find nothing to add in defense of the 
Liberator. 

The following studies have been particularly con- 
sulted : 

"Bolivar — por los mas grandes escritores ame- 
ricanos, precedido de un estudio por 
Miguel de Unamuno," Madrid and 
Buenos Aires, 1914, 

a book containing the following monographs : 

"Simon Bolivar," by Juan Montalvo (Ecuadorian) 
"Simon Bolivar," by F. Garcia Calderon (Peruvian) 
"Simon Bolivar," by P. M. Arcaya (Venezuelan) 
"Bolivar y su campana de 18£1," by General L. 

Duarte Level (Mexican) 1 
"Bolivar in el Peru," by A. Galindo (Colombian) 
"Simon Bolivar," by B. Vicuna Mackenna (Chilean) 
"Simon Bolivar," by J. B. Alberdi (Argentinean) 
"Simon Bolivar," by Jose Marti (Cuban) 
"El ideal internacional de Bolivar," by Francisco 

Jose Urrutia (Colombian) 
' ' La entrevista de Guayaquil, ' ' by Ernesto de la Cruz 

(Chilean) 

i Duarte Level is not Mexiean but Venezuelan. 



INTRODUCTION 7 

"Bolivar, escritor," by Blanco-Fombona (Venezuelan) 
"Bolivar," by F. Lorain Petre (North American) 2 
"Bolivar," by J. E. Rodo (Uruguayan) 
"Bolivar, intimo," by Cornelio Hispano (Colombian) 
"Bolivar, profesor de energia," by Jose Verissimo 

(Brazilian) 
"Bolivar, legislador," by Jorge Ricardo Vejarano 

(Colombian) 

"Discursos y Proclamas — Simon Bolivar," R. 
Blanco-Fombona, Paris. 

"Documentos para la Vida Piiblica del Liberta- 
dor" por Blanco y Azpurua, Caracas. 

"El Libertador de la America del Sur," Guz- 
man Blanco, London, 1885. 

"Estudio Historico," Aristides Rojas, Caracas, 
1884. 

"La Creacion de un Continente," F. Garcia 
Calderon, Paris. 

"La Entrevista de Bolivar y San Martin en 
Guayaquil," Camilo Destruge, Guayaquil, 
1918, 

"La ultima enfermedad, los iiltimos momentos y 
los funerales de Simon Bolivar," Dr. A. P. 
Reverend, Paris, 1866. 

"Leyendas Historicas," A. Rojas, Caracas, 1890. 

"Memorias de O'Leary," translated from Eng- 
lish by Simon B. O'Leary, Caracas, 1883. 

1 ' Origenes del Gran Mariscal de Ayacucho, ' ' dis- 
cursos del Seiior D. Felipe Francia, Caracas, 
1920. 

"Papeles de Bolivar," Vicente Lecuna, Caracas, 
1917. 

2 Lorain Petre is not North American but English. 



8 SIMON BOLIVAR 

" Pensamientos consagrados a la memoria del 
Libertador," Caracas, 1842. 

"Recuerdos del Tiempo Heroico — Pajinas de la 
vida militar i politica del Gran Mariscal de 
Ayacucho," Jose Maria Rey de Castro, 
Guayaquil, 1883. 

"Resumen de la Historia de Venezuela," Baralt 
y Diaz, Paris, 1841. 

"Simon Bolivar," Arturo Juega Farrulla, Mon- 
tevideo, 1915. 

"Vida de Simon Bolivar," Larrazabal, Madrid, 
1918; also sixth edition of same book, New 
York, Andres Cassard, 1883. 

For the use of various documents, articles, and 
papers, we are also indebted to Dr. Manuel Segundo 
Sanchez, Director of the National Library of Cara- 
cas, Venezuela, as well as to Dr. Julius Goebel of 
the University of Virginia for his kindness in letting 
us examine his notes on certain papers existing in 
the files of the State Department in Washington. 

We beg to express our sincere gratitude to Miss 
Edith H. Murphy of Bay Ridge High School and 
St. Joseph College of Brooklyn, and to Dr. C. E. 
McGuire of the Inter American High Commission, 
for their revision of the original manuscript and 
their very valuable suggestions regarding the sub- 
ject matter and the style. 

For the appreciations and judgments appearing 
in this monograph, its author assumes full respon- 
sibility. 



CHAPTER I: 

The Spanish Colonies in America 

Everybody knows that America was discovered 
by Christopher Columbus, who served under the 
King and Queen of Spain, and who made four trips, 
in which he discovered most of the islands now 
known as the West Indies and part of the central 
and southern regions of the American continent. 
Long before the English speaking colonies which 
now constitute the United States of America were 
established, the Spaniards were living from Florida 
and the Mississippi River to the South, with the 
exception of what is now Brazil, and had there es- 
tablished their culture, their institutions and their 
political system. 

In some sections, the Indian tribes were almost 
exterminated, but generally the Spaniards mingled 
with the Indians, and this intercourse resulted in 
the formation of a new race, the mixed race (mes- 
tizos) which now comprises the greater number of 
the inhabitants of what we call Latin America. 

African slavery added another racial element, 
which is often discernible in the existing population. 

The Latin American peoples today are composed of 
European whites, American whites (creoles), mixed 
races of Indian and white, white and negro, negro 



10 SIMON BOLIVAR 

and Indian, negro and mestizo, and finally, the pure 
Indian race, distinctive types of which still appear 
over the whole continent from Mexico to Chile, but 
which has disappeared almost entirely in Uruguay 
and Argentina. Some countries have the Indian 
element in larger proportions than others, but this 
distribution of races prevails substantially all over 
the continent. 

It would distract us from our purpose to give a 
full description of the grievances of the Spanish 
colonies in America. They were justified and it is 
useless to try to defend Spain. Granting that Spain 
carried out a wonderful work of civilization in the 
American continent, and that she is entitled to the 
gratitude of the world for her splendid program of 
colonization, it is only necessary, nevertheless, to 
cite some of her mistakes of administration in order 
to prove the contention of the colonists that they 
must be free. 

Books could not be published or sold in America 
without the permission of the Consejo de Indias, and 
several cases were recorded of severe punishment 
of men who disobeyed this rule. Natives could not 
avail themselves of the advantages of the printing 
press. Communication and trade with foreign na- 
tions were forbidden. All ships found in American 
waters without license from Spain were considered 
enemies. Nobody, not even the Spaniards, could 
come to America without the permission of the King, 



THE SPANISH COLONIES IN AMERICA 11 

under penalty of loss of property and even of loss 
of life. Spaniards, only, could trade, keep stores 
or sell goods in the streets. The Indians and mes- 
tizos could engage only in mechanical trades. 

Commerce was in the hands of Spain, and taxes 
were very often prohibitive. Even domestic com- 
merce, except under license, was forbidden. It was 
especially so regarding the commerce between Peru 
and New Spain, and also with other colonies. Some 
regulations forbade Chile and Peru to send their 
wines and other products to the colonists of the 
North. The planting of vineyards and olive trees 
was forbidden. The establishment of industry, the 
opening of roads and improvements of any kind 
were very often stopped by the Government. Charles 
IV remarked that he did not consider learning ad- 
visable for America. 

Americans were often denied the right of public 
office. Great personal service or merit was not suffi- 
cient to destroy the dishonor and disgrace of being 
an American. 

The Spanish colonies were divided into vice- 
royalties and general captaincies. There were also 
audiencias, which existed under the vice-royalties and 
general captaincies. The Indians were put under 
the care and protection of Spanish officials called 
encomenderos, but these in fact, in most eases, were 
merciless exploiters of the natives who, further- 
more, were subject to many local disabilities. The 



12 sim6n bolivar 

Kings of Spain tried to protect the Indians, and 
many laws were issued tending to spare them from 
the ill-treatment of the Spanish colonists. But the 
distance from Spain to America was great, and 
when laws and orders reached the colonies, they 
never had the force which they were intended to 
have when issued. There existed a general race 
hatred. The Indians and the mestizos, as a rule, 
hated the Creoles, or American whites, who often 
were as bad as, or even worse than, the Spanish 
colonists in dealing with the aborigines. It is not 
strange, then, that in a conflict between Spain and 
the colonies, the natives should take sides against 
the Creoles, who did most of the thinking, and who 
were interested and concerned with all the changes 
through which the Spanish nation might pass, and 
that they would help Spain against the white pro- 
moters of the independent movement. This asser- 
tion must be borne in mind to understand the diffi- 
culties met by the independent leaders, who had to 
fight not only against the Spanish army, which was 
in reality never very large, but also against the 
natives of their own land. To regard this as an 
invariable condition would nevertheless lead to 
error, for at times, under proper guidance, the na- 
tives would pass to the files of the insurgent leaders 
and fight against the Spaniards. 

Furthermore, it is necessary to remember that 
education was very limited in the Spanish colonies ; 



THE SPANISH COLONIES IN AMERICA 13 

that in some of them printing had not been intro- 
ducedj and that its introduction was discouraged by 
the public authority; and that public opinion, which 
even at this time is so poorly developed, was very 
frequently poorly informed in colonial times, or did 
not exist, unless we call public opinion a mass of 
prejudices, superstitions and erroneous habits of 
thinking fostered by interests, either personal or of 
the government. 

This was the condition of the Spanish American 
countries at the beginning of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, full of agitation and conflicting ideas, when 
new plans of life for the people were being elabo- 
rated and put into practice as experiments on 
which many men founded great hopes and which 
many others feared as forerunners of a general 
social disintegration. 



CHAPTER II. 

Bolivar's Early Life. Venezuela's First Attempt to 
Obtain Self-Government 

(1783-1810) 

Simon Bolivar was born in the city of Caracas on 
the twenty-fourth day of July, 1783 ; his father was 
don Juan Vicente Bolivar, and his mother, dona 
Maria de la Concepcion Palacios y Blanco. His 
father died when Simon was still very young, and 
his mother took excellent care of his education. 
His teacher, afterwards his intimate friend, was don 
Simon Eodriguez, a man of strange ideas and habits, 
but constant in his affection and devotion to his 
illustrious pupil. 

Bolivar's family belonged to the Spanish nobility, 
and in Venezuela was counted in the group called 
Mantuano, or noble. They owned great tracts of 
land and lived in comfort, associating with the best 
people, among whom they were considered leaders. 

The early youth of Bolivar was more or less like 
that of the other boys of his city and station, except 
that he gave evidence of a certain precocity and 
nervousness of action and speech which distin- 
guished him as an enthusiastic and somewhat ideal- 
istic bov. 



bolivar's early life 15 

Misfortune taught Bolivar its bitter lessons when 
he was still young. At fifteen years of age he lost 
his mother. Then his uncle and guardian, don Carlos 
Palacios, sent him to Madrid to complete his edu- 
cation. The boat on which he made the trip left 
La Guaira on January 17, 1799, and stopped at 
Vera Cruz. This enabled young Simon Bolivar to 
go to Mexico City and other towns of New Spain. 
In the capital of the colony he was treated in a 
manner becoming his social standing, and met the 
highest officials of the government. The viceroy 
had several conversations with him, and admired 
his wit; but it finally alarmed him when the boy 
came to talk on political questions and, with an 
assurance superior to his age, defended the freedom 
of the American colonies. 

Bolivar lived in Madrid with his relatives, and 
had occasion to be in touch with the highest mem- 
bers of the court, and even with the King, Charles 
IV, and the Queen. There he met a young lady 
named Maria Teresa Toro, whose uncle, the Marquis 
of Toro, lived in Caracas and was a friend of the 
young man. He fell in love with her, but as he 
was only seventeen years old, the Marquis of TJsta- 
riz, who was in charge of Bolivar in Madrid, ad- 
vised him to delay his plans for an early marriage. 

In 1801 Bolivar went to Paris, where he found 
Napoleon Bonaparte, as First Consul, undertaking 
his greatest labors of social reorganization after the 



16 SIMON BOLIVAE 

long period of anarchy through which France had 
passed following the Revolution. Bonaparte was 
one of the most admired men at that time. He had 
come back from Egypt and Syria, had been vic- 
torious at Marengo and Hohenlinden, and had just 
signed the Peace of Luneville. One does not won- 
der that Bolivar should admire him and that his 
letters should contain many expressions of enthu- 
siasm about the great man of Europe. 

In the same year he returned to Madrid and mar- 
ried Maria Teresa Toro, deciding to go back at once 
to Venezuela with his wife, to live peacefully, at- 
tending to his own personal business and property. 
But again fate dealt him a hard blow and shattered 
all the dreams and plans of the young man. His 
virtuous wife died in January, 1803, ten months 
after their arrival in Caracas. He had not yet 
reached his twenty-first year, and had already lost 
father, mother and wife. His nerves became steeled 
and his heart prepared for great works, for works 
requiring the concentration of mind which can be 
given only by men who have no intimate human 
connections or obligations. As a South American 
orator lately declared: 1 "Neither Washington nor 
Bolivar was destined to have children of his own, 
so that we Americans might call ourselves their 
children. ' ' 

i Atilano Carnevali, on the occasion of placing a wreath be- 
fore Washington's statue in Caracas, July 4, 1920. 



bolivar's early life 17 

Bolivar decided immediately to leave for Europe. 
Nothing could keep him iu his own country. He had 
loved his wife and his wife only could have led him 
to accept a life of ease and comfort. He decided 
never to marry again and, perhaps to assuage the 
pain in his heart, he decided to devote his time to the 
study of the great problems of his country, and to 
bend all his energies and strength to their solution. 
At the end of 1803, he was again in Madrid, giving 
his wife's father the sad news of their great loss. 

From Madrid, Bolivar went to Paris, and was in 
the city when the Empire was established. All the 
admiration the man of the Republic had won from 
Bolivar immediately crumbled to dust before the 
young American. "Since Napoleon has become a 
king," said Bolivar, "his glory to me seems like the 
brilliancy of hell." He did not attend the ceremony 
of Napoleon's coronation, and made him the object 
of bitter attacks when among his own friends. He 
never hesitated to speak of the liberty of America 
with all his acquaintances, who enjoyed his conversa- 
tion in spite of the ideas that he supported. 

In the spring of 1805 he went on a walking tour 
to Italy, with his teacher and friend, don Simon 
Rodriguez. In Milan he saw Napoleon crowned as 
King of Italy, and then witnessed a great parade 
passing before the French Emperor. All these royal 
ceremonies increased his hatred of monarchy. 

From Milan he went to Florence, Venice, Rome and 



18 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Naples, studying everything, informing himself of all 
the currents of public opinion, and dreaming of what 
he intended to accomplish for his own people. 

"While in Eome, he and his teacher went to Mount 
Aventin. There they denounced in an intimate talk 
the oppression of peoples and discussed the liberty 
of their native Venezuela. "When their enthusiasm 
had reached its highest pitch, the young dreamer 
took the hand of his master, and at that historic spot, 
he made a solemn vow to free his country. 

From Italy, he came to the United States, where 
he visited Boston, New York, Philadelphia and other 
towns, sailing from Charleston for Venezuela. He 
arrived in Caracas at the end of 1806. 

Upon his return home, Bolivar devoted himself to 
the care and improvement of his estate. Yet his 
ideas continued to seethe, especially when the con- 
stant spectacle of the state of affairs in Venezuela 
stimulated this ferment of his mind. 

Among the American colonies, Venezuela was not 
considered by Spain as one of the most important. 
Mexico and Peru, celebrated by their production of 
mineral wealth, were those which attracted most of 
the attention of the Spaniards. Venezuela was ap- 
parently poor, and certainly did not contribute many 
remittances of gold and silver to the mother country. 
It had been organized as a captaincy general in 1731, 
after having been governed in different ways and 
having had very little communication with Spain. It 



bolivar's early life 19 

is said that from 1706 to 1722, not a single boat sailed 
from any Venezuelan port for Spain. Commercial 
intercourse between the provinces was forbidden, and 
local industries could not prosper because the pur- 
chase of the products of Spanish industries was com- 
pulsory for the natives, at prices set after all trans- 
portation expenses and high taxes were taken into 
account. The colonists were oppressed by taxes and 
kept in ignorance. 

This state of affairs had produced a latent feeling 
of irritation and a desire for a change. The native 
white population read the books of the French phi- 
losophers, especially those of Rousseau and Montes- 
quieu. The ideas proclaimed by the United States of 
America and those preached by the most radical men 
of the French Revolution were smuggled in and 
known in spite of prohibition. 

At the middle of the eighteenth century, there had 
been a movement against the Compania Guipuzcoana, 
established about 1730, and which greatly oppressed 
the people. This movement failed and its leaders 
were severely punished. 

At the end of the eighteenth century, Spain allied 
herself with England to fight against France. This 
war ended in 1795 with the Treaty of Basel, by which 
Spain lost Santo Domingo to France. A year later, 
Spain allied herself with France against England, 
and the disastrous war which followed resulted in the 
loss of the island of Trinidad to England, by the 



20 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Treaty of Amiens, in 1802. France and England 
used these possessions to foster revolutions in the 
Spanish colonies. 

In 1797 a conspiracy was started in Caracas, but 
it too failed. Some of its leaders received death 
sentences, others were expelled from the country and 
others were imprisoned. In Mexico, in Peru and in 
the southernmost part of the continent, men were 
working in favor of the idea of freedom. 

In Europe, at this time, there was a very prominent 
Venezuelan, don Francisco Miranda, who had played 
an important role in the world events of that period. 
Miranda was born in Caracas, came to the North 
American colonies, and fought under Washington 
against the English power. Afterwards he went to 
Europe and fought in the armies of revolutionary 
France, attaining the rank of general. His friends 
were among the most distinguished men in Europe 
in political position or international achievement. He 
talked to them tirelessly, trying to convert them to 
the idea of the necessity for emancipating the coun- 
tries of America. He failed to receive the attention 
he desired in England, and came to America. In 
New York he prepared an expedition and went to 
Venezuela, arriving there in March of 1806, with three 
boats, some arms, ammunition and men. He found 
the Spaniards prepared, and was defeated, losing two 
of his ships and many men as prisoners. He escaped 
with the other boat to Trinidad. In the West Indies 



bolivar's early life 21 

he obtained the help of an English admiral, Sir A. 
Cochrane, and with larger forces returned to Vene- 
zuela, landing at Coro, which he took in August, 
1806. But there he found the greatest enemy with 
which he and Bolivar had to contend, and that was 
the lack of the sanction of public opinion. Men 
whom Miranda had expected to increase his army 
failed to appear, and perhaps this indifference was 
aggravated by the antipathy with which the natives 
saw the foreign element which predominated in Mi- 
randa 's army. Lacking the support of the people and 
the reserves which Miranda had expected to get from 
the English colony of Jamaica, he withdrew and went 
to London, altogether discouraged. 

At that time great changes had occurred in Spain. 
Charles IV, its weak monarch, saw the French army 
invading his country under the pretense of going to 
Portugal, and feared that Napoleon would end by 
wresting the Spanish throne from him. If he allied 
himself with Napoleon, England could easily seize 
America, and should he ally himself with England, he 
would make an enemy of Napoleon, who already was 
in possession of Spain itself. The Crown Prince of 
Spain, Fernando, was intriguing against his father, 
and Charles IV had him imprisoned. Then it was 
discovered that the Prince was in treacherous rela- 
tions with the ministers of Napoleon. The King com- 
plained to the French Emperor, who persuaded him 
to forgive and release his son. Meanwhile, the French 



22 SIMON BOLIVAR 

army was advancing into Spain while the English 
were fomenting among the Spanish people the hatred 
"for the French. The latter availed themselves of 
their advantageous position and, feeling sure of their 
strength in Spanish lands, demanded from the Court 
the cession of the northern section of Spain contiguous 
to Portugal. Kumors ran wild in the Court, and it 
was even said that the monarch and his family would 
leave Spain for Mexico. A favorite of the King, 
named Manuel Godoy, received the greatest blame for 
this situation, and Fernando, the Crown Prince, being 
the main antagonist of Godoy, was regarded as the 
champion of Spanish right and was loved by the 
Spanish people. The people rose and demanded that 
Godoy should be delivered to them. In March, 1808, 
the King abdicated and Fernando was proclaimed 
King. But the abdication was insincere, and Charles 
IV wrote to Napoleon that he had been compelled to 
take that action, certain that if he did not do so, he 
and the Queen would perish. Not content with this 
communication, Charles IV went to Bayonne to meet 
Napoleon, where his son Fernando had been invited 
by Napoleon to meet him. There one of the most dis- 
graceful episodes in Spanish history occurred. Fer- 
nando renounced his rights to his father, and then his 
father renounced his rights and those of his family to 
Napoleon and to whomever he might select to rule. 
Napoleon immediately made his brother Joseph King 
of Spain. This occurred in May, 1808. The Spanish 



bolivar's early life 23 

people had never been taken into consideration in all 
these dealings. Bnt they wanted to be considered and 
they decided that they would be. Murat was gover- 
nor in Madrid, and on May 2 the people rebelled 
against him. Great carnage ensued. Though the re- 
bellion was suppressed, the fire burning in the Spanish 
soul was not extinguished. Everywhere juntas pro- 
vinciates (provincial assemblies) were organized 
against the intruder; they allied themselves with 
England and declared that Fernando VII was the 
legitimate King of Spain and that the nation was at 
war with Prance. In order to unify the actions of 
the different juntas, a central junta was established in 
Aranjuez on September 25, 1808. 

All these events had a tremendous effect in the 
American colonies. News was received in Venezuela 
of the abdication of Charles and Fernando, with 
orders to the colonies to recognize the new govern- 
ment. But at the same time an English boat 
sent by Admiral Cochrane arrived, and announced 
to the Venezuelan authorities the establishment of the 
juntas and the organization of resistance to the 
French. The authorities concluded to obey the orders 
brought by the French messengers, but the people 
rose in Caracas as in Spain, went to the city council 
and forced it to proclaim Fernando VII the legitimate 
monarch of Spain, thus starting a revolution, which in 
its inception had all the appearance of loyalty to the 
reigning house of Spain, but which very soon was 



24 SIMON BOLIVAR 

transformed into a real movement of emancipation. 
Some days later the city council asked the governor 
to establish a junta in Caracas, similar to those al- 
ready established in Spain. The Spanish authorities 
wanted to have recognized the supremacy of the junta 
assembled in Seville, Spain, which had assumed the 
name of Supreme Junta of Spain and her Colonies. 
The Venezuelans insisted that they should have a 
junta in Caracas, and in order to foster this idea 
the most prominent leaders of public thought met 
secretly at the house of Simon Bolivar. Most of the 
conspirators were young men, united by strong ties 
of friendship or family. Among them were the Mar- 
quis of Toro and don Jose Felix Klbas, a relative of 
Bolivar, two very distinguished men. The meetings 
were sometimes held at the house of Ribas. It was 
not long before they were discovered. They deter- 
mined to petition for the establishment of a junta in 
Caracas. The authorities ordered them to be put into 
prison; and in spite of their efforts, the Supreme 
Junta of Spain and her Colonies was recognized in 
January, 1809. The Junta Central declared in that 
same month that all the Spanish colonies formed part 
of the Spanish monarchy itself, which statement ap- 
parently was a declaration of equality. However, 
in fact, it was not so, since the elections of deputies to 
the junta were not to be made by the people but by 
the captain general, advised by the city council. The 
representation was also very disproportionate. The 




SIMON BOLIVAR IN 1810 

From'a painting by an unknown artist now in the possession of 
Dr. Vicente Lecuna of Caracas, Venezuela. 



bolivar's early life 25 

deputies for Spain were to number 36 while those 
for America only 12. 

In May of that year, a new captain general, don 
Vicente Emparan, arrived in Venezuela. This man 
was more imperious than his predecessors had been, 
and immediately alienated the good will of the city 
council and the audiencia. He set up still greater 
obstacles to commerce, sent many prominent men into 
exile, declared criminals those who received printed 
matter from abroad, and established an organized 
system of espionage. 

In 1810, when Emparan was exercising his power 
with the strongest hand, the patriots were meeting 
in the country wherever they could under different 
pretexts, in order to organize themselves and to work 
for their ideals. Bolivar was on the point of being 
exiled; many prominent men were either imprisoned 
or sent out of Caracas. The French armies seemed 
to conquer all opposition in Spain, and the Junta 
Central had been forced to take refuge in Cadiz. 
Kumors were circulated that Cadiz had fallen into 
the hands of the French. Then the patriots decided 
to wait no longer, and Bolivar, Ribas and other friends 
planned to take immediate steps. 

On the morning of April 19, 1810, Holy Thursday, 
the city council assembled to attend the religious ser- 
vices in the cathedral, and Emparan was invited to be 
present. Before leaving for the service, the council 
told the governor that it was necessary to establish in 



26 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Venezuela a government of its own in order to defend 
the country and the rights of the legitimate monarch. 
The governor answered that he would consider the 
matter after the service, and left the council. On ar- 
riving at the church he was stopped by a patriot called 
Francisco Salias who asked him to return to the coun- 
cil, declaring that the public welfare so required. Em- 
paran saw that the troops were not ready to support 
him and, willingly or not, went back to the hall, where 
he yielded to everything that was proposed to him. 
Emparan was deposed and the first locally-chosen 
government of Spanish America was established. The 
principle that the provinces of America possessed the 
right of self-government, since no general government 
existed, was proclaimed. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Declaration of Independence, July 5, 1811. 
Miranda's Failure 

(1811-1812) 

The first acts of the Junta were acts of moderation 
and wisdom. Emparan and other Spanish authorities 
were expelled from the country. The Spaniards were 
assured that they would be treated as brothers, with 
the same consideration as all Americans. The Junta 
sent notice of this movement to the other countries 
of the continent in the following lofty words : 

''Venezuela has placed herself in the number 
of free nations, and hastens to give advice of this 
event to her neighbors so that, if the aspira- 
tions of the new world are in accord with hers, 
they might give her help in the great and very 
difficult career she has undertaken. 'Virtue and 
moderation' have been our motto. 'Fraternity, 
union and generosity' should be yours, so that 
these great principles combined may accomplish 
the great work of raising America to the political 
dignity which so rightly belongs to her. ' ' 

The tributes formerly paid by the Indians were abol- 
ished. The alcabala, an excessive tax on sales, was 



28 sim6n bolivar 

also suppressed. The introduction of slaves was for- 
bidden. Different branches of the government were 
organized. 

One of the first works of the Junta was to send 
emissaries to the several provinces of the old cap- 
taincy general to invite them to unite with Caracas 
in the movement. It was the first government of 
Spanish America to initiate diplomatic missions 
abroad. Among her envoys we find Simon Bolivar 
representing Venezuela at London. 

Most of the provinces followed the example given 
by Caracas, but some of them did not take that ac- 
tion, and among these were Coro and Maracaibo, which 
exercised powerful influence against the movement for 
liberty. The emissaries who went to Maracaibo were 
even sent to Porto Rico to be tried there as rebels and 
were sentenced to prison in that colony. 

Among the diplomatic representatives, some were 
well received and some were ignored. Bolivar was 
very highly praised by the London authorities, al- 
though he could obtain no substantial assistance be- 
cause of a treaty of alliance then existing between Eng- 
land and Spain. Bolivar worked not only as a dip- 
lomat, but he also wrote and published articles of 
propaganda to acquire friends for the cause he repre- 
sented, and from the first his influence was felt all 
over the continent, especially when he was able to 
give substantial help to the representatives from 
Buenos Aires, who went to London to secure the al- 
liance and friendship of England. 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 29 

The attitude of Venezuela was not only generous 
and conciliatory, but it was even inspired by a great 
regard for Spain. The Junta declared itself ready 
to send help to Spain in her fight against the intruder, 
and also offered the Venezuelan soil as a refuge for 
those who might despair of the salvation and freedom 
of the mother country. The Council of Regency 
which had been established in Spain, instead of thank- 
ing Venezuela for her offer, declared the Venezuelans 
insurgents, rebels and traitors, and submitted the 
province of Caracas to a strict blockade. This de- 
cision on the part of the Council served to arouse the 
Venezuelans and to change the ends of the movement. 
The sea became infested with privateers and pirates 
and, within the country, royalist agencies promoted 
war and insurrection. Towns which had declared 
themselves in favor of the Junta were destroyed by 
the royalists, and everywhere the situation was very 
difficult for all who had expressed any sympathy with 
the new regime. Nevertheless, the new authorities 
persevered in their purpose to show loyalty to Fer- 
nando VII, and tried by all means to avoid bloodshed. 
Even with regard to the governors of Coro and Mara- 
caibo, Caracas tried persuasion rather than force. The 
uncompromising attitude of the Regency, however, in- 
dicated clearly that the Venezuelans could not expect 
to effect any agreement with Spain. Bolivar, think- 
ing that he could be more useful in his own country 
than in London, decided to return to Venezuela, but 



30 sim6n bolivar 

he did not go back alone. "We have mentioned before 
that General Miranda was then living in London. 
Bolivar invited him to return to Venezuela to help 
the cause of freedom, for he deemed him the ablest 
man to lead the movement. He gave him the hospi- 
tality of his own home and praised him generously, 
increasing his popularity. 

Miranda was very well received, and the Junta at 
once appointed him Lieutenant General. At that time 
the Venezuelans were electing representatives to 
Congress, and Miranda was elected deputy from one 
of the cities of the East. Congress entered into session 
March 2nd with forty-four members, representing 
seven provinces, and its very first decision was to ap- 
point three men to exercise the executive power and 
a council to sit for purposes of consultation. Thus 
the first autonomous government in Latin America 
was established. 

There were several factors active in the creation of 
public opinion : the press was free, and popular orators 
held meetings in which they spoke of the new ideas 
and tried to prepare the people for the new institu- 
tions. Special mention should be made of the Sociedad 
Patriotica (Patriotic Society) whose promoters and 
leaders were Miranda and Bolivar. This association 
worked constantly for absolute freedom, putting for- 
ward as an example the independence of the North 
American colonies. Some representatives distrusted 
the association, considering it as a rival of Congress, 



THE DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE 31 

but Bolivar relieved their fears by an inspired ad- 
dress delivered on July 3, 1911, which might be con- 
sidered as the beginning of his career as a great ora- 
tor. He denounced the apathy of the deputies, de- 
nied that there were two congresses, and among other 
things said : 

' ' What do we care if Spain submits to Napoleon 
Bonaparte, if we have decided to be free 1 Let us 
without fear lay the corner-stone of South Ameri- 
can freedom. To hesitate is to die. ' ' 

Obeying these feelings, the association sent a memo- 
randum to Congress, which was read on July 4, 1811. 
The following day this assembly proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of Venezuela. The document contained an 
exposition of the wrongs suffered by the colony, a de- 
cision to live and to die free, and the pledge of seven 
provinces to sacrifice the lives and fortunes of their 
inhabitants in this great work. On that same day the 
national flag of Venezuela was adopted, one contain- 
ing three horizontal stripes : yellow, blue and red. 

Up to this time the revolution had been peaceful and 
bloodless, but now the royalists of Valencia, a very 
important city to the west of Caracas, rebelled against 
the new institutions and asked help from the governors 
of Coro and Maracaibo. Miranda besieged and took 
the city, Bolivar fighting on his side. Insurrections 
broke out in other places and were speedily repressed. 
In some cities the new state of affairs was welcomed 
with great joy. The obvious political needs became 



32 sim6n bolivar 

the object of study of the new Congress. From the 
beginning the federal system and the central system 
appeared in opposition. Bolivar was opposed to the 
federation, arguing that the people of Venezuela were 
still ignorant and unable to understand the obligations 
of a federation. At last the partisans of the federa- 
tion movement were victorious, and Venezuela adopted 
a federal constitution, in which the most advanced 
principles with regard to individual rights were in- 
corporated. The epoch of independence was to be 
called the Colombian epoch, and the first country to 
free itself from the bond of Spain was to be called 
Colombia. Colombia (from the name of Columbus) 
was an ideal of the South American patriots, and the 
greatest apostle of this ideal was Bolivar, as will be 
readily seen by this study. Valencia was selected as 
the capital, and in this city the government established 
itself on March 1, 1812. 

The work of organizing the new government did 
not interrupt the royalist activity in Venezuela nor 
the preparations made by Spain to suppress the revo- 
lution. The East and the Orinoco valley were in con- 
stant agitation, and we have seen that in the West, 
Coro and Maracaibo were on the side of Spain, and 
their governors ready to send help to the enemies of 
independence. Domingo Monteverde, a Spanish naval 
officer, had arrived in Coro as a member of a Spanish 
contingent, and when the governor learned that a 
royalist conspiracy was being prepared in a town 



THE DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE 33 

called Siquisique, he organized an expedition and 
gave command of the troops to Monteverde, with in- 
structions to help the conspirators. At that place 
more men joined his troops. Transgressing the orders 
he had received, which were only to occupy the town, 
Monteverde constituted himself head of the army and 
advanced to fight the insurgents. Luck was unde- 
servedly on his side. On March 23, 1812, he defeated 
a small body of patriots. 

The news of this defeat added to the effect of a 
natural catastrophe, which came directly on the heels 
of it, and which was painted by the fanatic royalists 
as a punishment of Heaven for the uprising. In the 
afternoon of March 26, at a moment when the churches 
were filled with people, for it was Holy Thursday, 
there occurred a violent earthquake, in Venezuela. 
Caracas, La Guaira and many other towns were re- 
duced to ruins, and some small dwellings entirely 
disappeared. It was pointed out that the towns 
punished by the earthquake were those that had shown 
themselves as favoring independence. Whole bodies 
of troops were buried. In a church of Caracas, the 
coat-of-arms of Spain had been painted on one of the 
pillars, and the earthquake destroyed the whole build- 
ing with the exception of that one pillar. Orators 
went out into the streets to proclaim that this was un- 
mistakably the result of divine anger because of the 
rebellion of the people against Fernando VII, "the 
anointed of God. ' ' 



34 sim6n bolivar 

In this cataclysm, Bolivar distinguished himself in 
Caracas, going hither and thither among the ruins, 
counteracting with his words the effect of the speeches 
of the royalists and assisting to dig out of the debris 
corpses and the wounded, giving the latter first aid. 

The advance of Monteverde was substantially helped 
by this earthquake. Many soldiers of the patriots * 
army had died in their armories and others on their 
way to fight the enemy and on parade grounds. All 
the patriot government had was reduced to practically 
nothing in a moment. - Monteverde continued to ad- 
vance eastward, and took the important town o£ 
Barquisimeto, where he received a large contingent of 
men, who flocked to him fearful of the divine anger. 
His lieutenants were meeting with success in different 
fields and he himself soon entered the city of San 
Carlos. 

On the 4th of April, there occurred a second earth- 
quake which lasted eight hours, and which destroyed 
the little remaining courage of those who were not 
heart and soul with the movement of emancipation. 

In the midst of these difficulties, the executive power 
appointed General Francisco Miranda supreme com- 
mander of all the forces of the Eepublic, on land and 
sea, and the government withdrew from Valencia to 
the town of La Victoria, situated between Valencia 
and Caracas. Miranda went to Caracas to obtain 
some resources, and while there associated Bolivar with 
him in the army. Later, Miranda sent him to Puerto 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 35 

Cabello, while Monteverde seized Valencia, the capital 
of the country. 

Various events continued to favor Monteverde, and 
when Miranda came back to besiege Valencia, Monte- 
verde was so successful that the independent military 
commander saw himself forced to take a defensive at- 
titude instead of an offensive one. From that moment, 
Miranda committed error after error, all of which re- 
sulted in victories for the fortunate Spanish leader. 
The patriots grew distrustful of their chief, who with- 
drew to La Victoria. There he was attacked by Monte- 
verde, but defeated him. This victory availed the 
patriots little, for Miranda did not want to abandon 
his defensive position. He had 12,000 men and could 
have destroyed his enemy, but he preferred to wait. 
Meanwhile, Bolivar was requesting help to defend 
Puerto Cabello, where there were deposited many 
provisions, and also to attack Monteverde by the rear. 
Miranda refused assistance. Monteverde, upon being 
defeated in a second attack on La Victoria, withdrew 
in the direction of Puerto Cabello. Already one of 
the forts had hoisted the Spanish flag. Monteverde 
was successful, and Bolivar sailed for La Guaira. 
The loss of Puerto Cabello, and other facts which need 
not be mentioned here, decided Miranda to capitulate, 
at a time when he was still stronger than his enemy. 
The capitulation was ratified in La Victoria by Mi- 
randa on the 25th of July, 1812. The following day 
Monteverde occupied the city and on the 30th he en- 
tered Caracas. 



36 sim6n bolivar 

All the patriots denounced Miranda for the capitu- 
lation, which meant the dissolution of the army and 
the abandonment of all the elements which had so 
raised their hopes. 

Bolivar, who, ignorant of the capitulation, had ar- 
rived in Caracas on his way to join Miranda, decided 
to return to La Guaira and to emigrate, resolved never 
to submit to the Spanish rule. Before departing, he 
issued a proclamation denouncing emphatically the 
action of Miranda, and the conduct of Monteverde 
who had transgressed the laws of war by encouraging 
the barbarous actions of the undisciplined crowds 
which, in the interior of the country, were committing 
all kinds of atrocities. Monteverde had also violated 
the articles of the capitulation stipulating that the 
lives and properties of the inhabitants should be re- 
spected and that there should follow a general ob- 
livion of all past actions. 

Bolivar was in La Guaira when Miranda arrived 
there with many other officers who were escaping 
prosecution from Monteverde. The generalissimo in- 
tended to remain in La Guaira that night, sailing 
from there the following day. That evening the most 
prominent men of the city assembled and denounced 
the supreme commander for his conduct. Among the 
most bitter judges of Miranda was Bolivar, the man 
who had asked the London exile to return to Venezuela 
to work for liberty in his country. The word treachery 
was uttered and all agreed to imprison Miranda, a 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 37 

culpable action performed on the morning of July 
31. That same day the port of La Guaira was closed 
by order of Monteverde, and the most distinguished 
patriots who fell into his hands were sent to prison, 
and cruel persecutions were exercised everywhere. A 
committee of public safety was established and im- 
mediately the prisons of Caracas and Puerto Cabello 
were filled with men, many of whom died of suffoca- 
tion. Into a dungeon in Puerto Cabello, a Spaniard 
threw five flasks of alkali, thus causing the death by 
asphyxiation of all the prisoners locked there. 

The properties of the leading citizens were seized. 
It was enough to have means of comfortable liveli- 
hood to be denounced as an enemy of Spain. The 
most peaceful men were dragged from their homes, 
and the tears of wives and children never moved to 
pity Monteverde 's agents. 

Miranda, a prisoner in Puerto Cabello, appealed in 
vain to the audiencia against these crimes. From 
Puerto Cabello he was sent to Porto Rico and finally 
to Cadiz, where he was locked in a fortress called la 
Carraca. There he died on July 14, 1816, his remains 
being thrown with the corpses of common criminals. 
Such was the end of the noble man who had been 
the guest of Catherine II of Russia, a soldier of 
Washington and a general of the French Republic. 
He spent his last days in a dungeon, chained to the 
wall like a dog. Venezuela has erected in the Pantheon 
of Caracas a beautiful marble monument in the shape 



38 sim6n bolivar 

of a coffin, the cover of which is held open by the 
claws of a majestic eagle, waiting for the remains of 
the great Venezuelan, who committed errors, it is true, 
but whose devotion to his country has never been 
doubted and whose martyrdom, and the fortitude with 
which he bore it, place him among the noblest char- 
acters of history. 

Bolivar remained in La Guaira for a short while, 
but inactivity was distasteful. Through the efforts of 
a Spanish friend, he obtained a passport from Monte- 
verde and left the port for Curacao at the end of 
August. 

This action marks the end of the first part of 
Bolivar's life, his restless youth, the preparation for 
struggles through sorrow and patient study, his 
military training under Miranda, and the clarification 
in his mind of the supreme purposes to which he was 
going to devote his life, no longer in a secondary posi- 
tion, but as a leader, a commanding figure in the 
American continent. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Bolivar's First Expedition. The Cruelty of War 

(1812-1813) 

After the entrance of Monteverde in Caracas and 
the ensuing persecutions, all Venezuela could be con- 
sidered as reconquered for Spain, and it seemed that 
all was lost for the cause of independence. The dis- 
obedience of Monteverde, who, as we have remarked 
before, had no instructions to continue the campaign, 
had been forgiven and rewarded, for it had been 
sanctioned by success. Until the end of 1812, Caracas 
was treated high-handedly and was very cruelly 
punished for all interest it had manifested in, and all 
support it had given to, the cause of independence. 

Bolivar joined some patriots in Curacao, where he 
remained until October in the company of his relative 
and loyal friend, Jose Felix Ribas. He then sailed 
for Cartagena, a city of New Granada which at that 
time was free from Spain, and offered his service to 
the republican government of that city. Bolivar was 
made colonel under a Frenchman called Pedro La- 
batut. 

In Cartagena, Bolivar continued to write, supporting 
his idea that the only salvation for the colonies lay in 
war with Spain. At the end of that year he published 



40 SIMON BOLIVAR 

a memorandum of so great importance that it can be 
considered as the first real revelation of his true 
genius. He explained the reasons for the defeat of 
Venezuela, and set them forth as a lesson of the urgent 
need of unity and firmness on the part of the American 
colonies. He denounced the weakness of the first 
government, evidenced in the treatment accorded Coro, 
which was not conquered immediately, but was permit- 
ted to be fortified so as to defy the whole federation 
and finally to destroy it. Kecognizing the lack of 
friendly public opinion, he denounced the Junta for 
not being ready to free the "stupid peoples who do 
not know the value of their rights. ' ' 

"The codes consulted by our magistrates," he 
wrote, ' ' were not those which could teach them the 
practical science of government, but those formed 
by certain idealists who build republics in the 
air and try to obtain political perfection, pre- 
supposing the perfection of the human race, in 
such a way that we have philosophers as leaders, 
philanthropy instead of law, dialectic instead of 
tactics, and sophists instead of soldiers. "With 
this subversion of things, social order was shaken 
up, and from its very beginning advanced with 
rapid strides towards universal dissolution, 
which very soon was effected. ' ' 

He emphasized the necessity for regular soldiers, 
trained to fight and experienced enough to know that 
a single defeat does not mean the loss of all hope, and 



BOLIVAR ; S FIRST EXPEDITION 41 

that ' ' ability and constancy correct misfortune. ' ' He 
denounced the misuse of public funds and declared 
himself against state paper money not guaranteed, 
pointing out that such a currency was a clear viola- 
tion of the right of property, since men who had ob- 
jects of real value had to exchange them for paper, the 
price of which was uncertain and even imaginary. 
Acknowledging that the federal system was the best, he 
declared that it was the most inadequate for the good 
of the new states. He added that 

■ ' as yet our fellow citizens are not in a condition 
fully to exercise their rights, for they lack the 
political virtues which characterize a true re- 
public, and which cannot be acquired under an 
absolute government where the rights and obliga- 
tions of citizens are ignored." 

In another part he said, 

"It is necessary that the government identify 
itself, so to speak, with the circumstances, times 
and men surrounding it If they are prosperous 
and calm, the government must be mild and pro- 
tective, but if they are calamitous and turbulent, 
the government must show itself terrible and 
must arm itself with a firmness equal to the 
dangers, without paying heed to laws or constitu- 
tion, until peace is reestablished. ' ' 

Bolivar well understood the character of his people 
when he declared 



42 SIMON BOLIVAR 

''Public elections performed by the ignorant 
peasants and by the intriguing inhabitants of the 
city are an obstacle to the practice of federation 
among us, because the former are so ignorant that 
they vote like machines, and the latter are so 
ambitious that they make everything into factions. 
For these reasons Venezuela has never known a 
free and reasonable election and the government 
has fallen into the hands of men, either opposed 
to the cause, weak or immoral. Partisan spirit 
decided everything and, consequently, it disor- 
ganized us more than circumstances did. Our 
divisions, and not the Spanish Army, brought us 
back to slavery. ' ' 

Summarizing the causes of the fall of Venezuela, he 
attributed it in the first place to the nature of its con- 
stitution; secondly, to the discouragement of the gov- 
ernment and people; thirdly, to the opposition to the 
establishment of a regular military organization; 
fourthly, to earthquakes and superstitions strength- 
ened by those calamities, and fifthly and lastly to 

"the internal dissensions, which, in fact, were 
the deadly poison which carried the country to its 
doom. r ' 

Then he appealed with persuasive eloquence to 
Nueva Granada for help, arguing that it was indis- 
pensable for Nueva Granada to reobtain the freedom 
of Caracas, pointing out that as Coro, as an enemy, 
had been enough to destroy the whole of Venezuela, so 



bolivar's first expedition 43 

Venezuela as a center of Spanish power would suffice 
to recover Nueva Granada for the Spanish crown. The 
possession of Caracas by Spain was a danger for all 
Spanish America. Then he showed the possibility of 
a military undertaking, starting from Nueva Granada, 
and expressed his faith that thousands of valiant pa- 
triots would join the ranks of the army of liberty as 
soon as it set foot in Venezuela. He gave the details 
of the proposed campaign, and finished with a most 
eloquent and forceful appeal in the following words : 

' ' The honor of Nueva Granada imperatively re- 
quires the punishment of the daring invaders, 
their persecution to the last trenches. Her glory 
will be the undertaking of going to Venezuela, and 
freeing the birthplace of Colombian independence 
and its martyrs, and that worthy people of Cara- 
cas, whose clamors are addressed to their beloved 
fellow patriots of Nueva Granada, for whom they 
are waiting with deadly impatience as for their 
redeemers. Let us hasten to break the chains of 
those victims who moan in the dungeons, ever ex- 
pecting their salvation from you. Do not betray 
their confidence, do not be heedless of the lamen- 
tations of your brothers. Be eager to avenge the 
dead, to bring back to life the dying, to relieve 
the oppressed and to give liberty to all. ' ' 

This noteworthy document was published in Carta- 
gena, on December 15, 1812, and presents Bolivar as he 
was in the maturity of his life, as a thinker, apostle, 
general, and practical statesman; it shows him as the 
man destined to give liberty to five countries. This 



44 SIMON BOLIVAR 

proclamation is the first full display of Bolivar's 
genius. 

Bolivar was sent to command a small place where 
he had to be inactive. He prepared an expedition 
against the city of Tenerife, considered one of the 
strongest in Nueva Granada and which prevented the 
free navigation of the Magdalena river. He left with 
only 400 men and seized the castle abandoned by the 
garrison, thus obtaining some artillery, boats and war 
material. Following his success, the government of 
Cartagena placed him in full command of his own 
army and gave him orders to conquer the upper Mag- 
dalena. Bolivar accomplished this with only 500 men, 
freeing the east bank of the river. When he arrived at 
Ocana, he was received amidst the greatest enthusiasm. 
He had won five victories in five days. 

The Congress of Nueva Granada was holding its 
meetings in the city of Tunja. Bolivar got in touch 
with it and received instructions to lead an expedition 
against Cucuta and Pamplona. He started out with 
400 men and a few spare rifles to arm patriots who 
might join the ranks. "With the greatest alacrity he 
advanced, defeating several detachments on the way. 
He finally attacked the city of Cucuta, where 800 
royalists were awaiting the attack of his men. On 
the 28th of February, after a bloody fight, Bolivar 
took the city and considerably increased his supply of 
war implements. The royalists occupying Pamplona 
and neighboring towns evacuated their possessions 



bolivar's first expedition 45 

upon learning of the defeat of the royalists of Cucuta. 
On sending communications to the governor of Carta- 
gena, Bolivar dated them in the city of ' ■ Cucuta de- 
livered" (libertada). His habit of adding the word 
"libertada" to the cities captured from the royalists 
contributed greatly to his later receiving the name of 
' ' Libertador, " by which he is most generally known 
in history. 

As soon as he entered Venezuelan territory, he de- 
clared that on that very day Venezuela had returned to 
life. Addressing the soldiers, he said : 

"In less than two months you have carried out 
two campaigns and have begun a third one, which 
commences here and which must end in the coun- 
try which gave me life. ' ' 

He regarded his two previous campaigns merely as 
an introduction to the third, and most important for 
him, whose supreme ambition was to obtain once again 
the freedom of Venezuela. At the close of the address 
to the soldiers, we find these words : 

"All America expects its liberty and salvation 
from you, brave soldiers of Cartagena and of the 
Union." (The Union of Nueva Granada.) 

These words indicate that he was thinking not in local 
terms, but in terms of Greater America. 

The government of the Union promoted him to the 
rank of brigadier general and conferred upon him the 
honorary title of citizen of Nueva Granada. He asked 



46 SIMON BOLIVAR 

immediate authority to use the troops of the Union to 
continue his march, until he could recover the ruins 
of Caracas. To convince the government he repeated 
the arguments put forth in the proclamation of Carta- 
gena, tending to prove that the freedom of Venezuela 
was essential to the continued liberty of Nueva Gra- 
nada. He insisted so eloquently on receiving permission 
to advance, that at last he obtained it, with authoriza- 
tion to occupy the southwestern provinces of Vene- 
zuela : Merida and Trujillo. In thanking the executive 
power for this privilege, he evidenced his confidence in 
his future triumph by the following words, addressed 
to the president : 

"I ask Your Excellency to send the answer to this 
communication to Trujillo : I shall receive it 
there. ' ' 

Bolivar started his campaign from San Cristobal on 
the 15th of May, 1813, with 800 men. The royalists 
had 15,000 and sufficient resources to equip 6,000 
additional men. The work of the young warrior 
seemed a dream ; perhaps no wise general would have 
undertaken that campaign, but Bolivar was above 
common wisdom ; he had the power of making the most 
beautiful dreams come true. Among the men who ac- 
companied him were many who have received the 
greatest honors history can confer. Two of them may 
be noted here, for we shall have occasion to mention 
them again very soon ; they are Atanasio Girardot and 
Antonio Kicaurte. 



bolivar's first expedition 47 

Upon his approach to Merida, the royalists, number- 
ing 1,000, left the city, and Bolivar took it on the 30th 
of May without any opposition. He was received with 
enthusiasm as the liberator of Venezuela. The general 
began at once to attend to the organization of the 
emancipated territory, and to increase the strength of 
his army. He sent some men to attack the retreating 
Spaniards, and Girardot to occupy the province of 
Trujillo. The royalists escaped to Maracaibo and, on 
the 14th of June, Bolivar was in Trujillo, reorganiz- 
ing the province. From there he sent Girardot to 
pursue the royalists. 

On the next day Bolivar took an action which has 
been the subject of many debates, and which some 
writers consider the one stain in the career of the 
great man of the South. We must devote a few lines 
to frank discussion of this subject, not neglecting to 
declare immediately that in our minds there has never 
been the slightest doubt that Bolivar was right in his 
conduct, and that a different action would have been 
the height of folly. Bolivar proclaimed "War to 
Death to the Spaniards", considering the conduct of 
Monteverde, the savage crimes committed in the in- 
terior cities of Venezuela, the many instances in which 
the Spanish authorities had shown an utter disrespect 
for the sanctity of treaties and the lives and properties 
of enemies who had surrendered, and even of peaceful 
natives, these acts coupled with documents like the 
proclamation published by a Spanish governor of a 



48 sim6n bolivar 

province in which he stated that his troops would not 
give quarter to those who surrendered. The docu- 
ments proving that this proclamation had been issued 
were received by Bolivar in Trujillo. In Bolivar's mind 
this idea was a permanent obsession: "Americans are 
dying because they are Americans, whether or not they 
fight for American freedom." He took into account 
the long list of crimes committed, the harmless citizens, 
women and children who had died, the barbarous as- 
phyxiation of the prisoners in Puerto Cabello, the 
horrors committed on the peaceful inhabitants of 
Caracas, and even the atrocities perpetrated by the 
royalist armies in Mexico and other parts of the con- 
tinent. He recalled the leniency and mercy of the 
first independent government of Venezuela and the 
cruelty of the Spanish authorities, and thought, not 
only of the reprisals necessary to punish and, if possi- 
ble, to stop these cruel deeds, but also of the salutary 
effect of a rigorous attitude on hesitating men, and the 
necessity that those who had not taken part on one 
side or another should declare themselves immediately, 
whether they sympathized with and were ready to help 
the cause of liberty, or favored a foreign regime. He 
was still in Merida when in a proclamation he spoke 
of avenging the victims, and threatened with war to 
death. But Bolivar was not only a man of genius 
but one of equanimity, poise, deep thought and at- 
tention. He did not want to carry out his threats 
immediately, but decided to think at length over the 



bolivar's first expedition 49 

transcendent step he was considering. The night of 
the 14th of June was a night of torture for the 
Liberator. On the morning of the 15th he himself 
wrote the decree of War to Death, and then called for 
an assembly of his officers to hear their opinions of 
this decree. Not one of them dissented. At the close 
of the meeting Bolivar signed the proclamation, in 
which these terrible words appeared : 

"Spaniards and Natives of the Canary Is- 
lands: 1 Be sure of death even if you are indif- 
ferent. Americans: Be sure of life even if you 
are guilty. ' ' 

The law of war is a terrible law, and Bolivar could 
not but take this step, unless he preferred to wage a 
losing fight. 

As a measure of legitimate reprisal and as a measure 
of wisdom in warfare, the War to Death decree is fully 
justifiable. 

Regarding it as a reprisal, let us mention only two or 
three facts. When Monteverde learned of the asphyxi- 
ation of the prisoners in Puerto Cabello, he wrote to 
the commander of the port : 

' ' I strongly recommend that your activity on this 
point be not slackened, (the expulsion of foreign- 
ers from Puerto Cabello) nor on that of the safe- 
keeping of the prisoners in the dungeons. If any 
one is to die, that is his fate." 



i Many of the natives of the Canary Islands had distinguished 
themselves by their cruelty against the independents in Vene- 
zuela. 



50 SIMON BOLIVAR 

On the plains some towns were entirely destroyed by 
bands of assassins. "Women and children were the 
victims of the royalists in a number of cities. There 
were occasions where men and women of all ages had 
their ears cut off, were skinned alive, or in other ways 
cruelly tortured. A Spaniard called Boves distin- 
guished himself among the worst criminals. He sys- 
tematically organized the work of destroying Ameri- 
cans. His theory was that no American should live, 
and he simply destroyed them mechanically, for he 
thought that that was the only thing to do with them. 
Bolivar, himself, in a letter sent to the governor of 
Curacao on October 2, 1813, makes the most eloquent 
exposition of facts, and shows clearly the reasons he 
had for the decree of "War to Death. 

Still, Bolivar did not carry out the decree of "War 
to Death immediately, nor did he do so constantly. 
"Whenever he found any opportunity to exercise mercy, 
he did so ; and when he was forced to let the severity 
of this law fall upon his enemy, there was generally an 
immediate reason for his action. In San Carlos, a few 
days after the issuance of this decree, when addressing 
the Spaniards and the Natives of the Canary Islands, 
he said : 

' ' For the last time, Spaniards and Natives of the 
Canary Islands, listen to the voice of justice and 
clemency. If you prefer our cause to that of 
tyrants, you will be forgiven and will enjoy your 
property, life and honor; but if you persist in 



bolivar's first expedition 51 

being our enemies, withdraw from our country or 
prepare to die. ' ' 

Several proofs are recorded of his clemency in spite of 
his threats ; but at last, when he saw that there was no 
other way to bring the royalists to terms, he ordered 
that war be waged mercilessly. 



CHAPTER V. 

Bolivar's First Victories 

(1813) 

The Congress of Nueva Granada had ordered Boli- 
var to take Trujillo and there to await new in- 
structions. It was reluctant to permit him to advance, 
because the patriots in Nueva Granada found them- 
selves in a difficult position. Bolivar wrote them, 
showing the necessity of his advancing immediately, 
in order to prevent the enemy from discovering 
the reduced size of his army and destroying it. His 
plan was to advance steadily against the royalists, to 
destroy them, and thus secure the freedom of Nueva 
Granada. Finally, the Congress yielded. 

Bolivar's situation was an exceedingly dangerous 
one. There was a good-sized royalist army to his right, 
while to his left were the old hostile cities of Mara- 
caibo and Coro. Before him was Monteverde with the 
men who had helped him to conquer Venezuela and 
with an abundant supply of war material. He became 
so impatient that he advanced without having received 
an answer to his last communication to Congress, 
crossed the Andes and, on the first of July, took the 
city of Guanare. Meanwhile, General Ribas, follow- 
ing Bolivar's orders, also advanced, meeting a detach- 



bolivar's first victories 53 

ment of royalists sent to cut off Bolivar's retreat. 
Eibas had less than half as many men as his opponent, 
but he was a man of the stamp of his leader, and on 
the same day that Bolivar entered Guanare he attacked 
the enemy. When his limited supply of ammunition 
was exhausted, he fought with the bayonet, and suc- 
ceeded in completely destroying his foes. This battle 
occurred in a town called Niquitao, and is considered 
one of the most brilliant battles of the War of Inde- 
pendence. 

Bolivar continued his rapid advance to the city of 
Barinas, aad found it abandoned by the royalists, who 
had left behind artillery and ammunition. He ordered 
his trusted Girardot to continue the prosecution of 
the enemy, but they made their escape toward Vene- 
zuelan Guiana (Guayana) by means of one of the 
tributaries of the Orinoco, leaving behind them a path 
marked with crimes and depredations. 

Once in possession of Barinas, Bolivar reorganized 
the province, created his first troops of cavalry, in- 
stilled enthusiasm in the population and prepared him- 
self for new steps in his brilliant career. To Ribas, he 
entrusted the defeat of some 1,500 royalists whose 
position might hinder his progress. With only one- 
third this number of men, Ribas encountered and de- 
stroyed the enemy on the plains of Los Horcones, 
which victory, together with that at Niquitao, did 
much for the success of the whole campaign. 

Leaving a detachment in Barinas, Bolivar advanced 



54 SIMON BOLIVAR 

to San Carlos, which he entered on the 28th of July, 
and then continued onward toward Valencia. 

While Bolivar was advancing from the western 
border toward the heart of his country, very impor- 
tant events were taking place in the eastern extremity. 
A young man named don Diego Marino, after having 
made preparations in the Island of Trinidad to fight 
against the Spanish domination in his country, en- 
tered Venezuela and advanced to the city of Cumana. 
There is a striking similarity in the lives and labors 
of Bolivar and Marino. Both were young, both were 
animated by the same hatred of tyranny and the same 
love for independence; both knew how to arouse en- 
thusiasm in their followers and both displayed the 
greatest devotion to their friends; both were inspired 
by the same ambition for glory and honor, and both 
realized a very important part of the first liberation 
of Venezuela. 

Monteverde attacked Marino and met with disaster, 
being compelled to withdraw to Caracas, where he 
learned of the victories of Bolivar in the West. He 
immediately prepared to go personally to Valencia to 
stop the advance of the independents. There he was 
informed of the latest triumph of Bibas. 

Bolivar advanced, destroyed in Taguanes a strong 
army sent to check him, and continued his march 
toward Valencia, prepared to meet a strong resistance 
on the part of Monteverde. Great indeed was his 
surprise when he found that Monteverde had escaped 



bolivar's first victories 55 

toward Puerto Cabello during the night, leaving 
everything to the mercy of the conqueror. 

From Valencia, the victor went to Caracas, where 
he granted an honorable capitulation to the city, of- 
fering passports to the Spanish soldiers and officers 
and permitting them to evacuate the town in the most 
dignified way. Upon his arrival in Caracas, Bolivar 
found that soldiers and officers, as well as about six 
thousand persons who considered themselves guilty, 
had already escaped to La Guaira, confident that Boli- 
var would act as Monteverde had done in the past. 

August 6th, 1813, marks the entrance of Bolivar in 
Caracas, the end of the campaign which he had begun 
with 500 men, — his first campaign as a general, one 
in which he fought six pitched battles, covered a dis- 
tance of 1,200 kilometers, destroyed five hostile armies, 
captured 50 pieces of artillery and three ammunition 
depots, and reconquered all the western part of Vene- 
zuela, while Eastern Venezuela had been recovered by 
Marino. All this was done within ninety days, and 
established forever the reputation of Bolivar as one 
of the most distinguished generals in history. Cara- 
cas received him with the highest honors. The most 
beautiful young ladies of the city, dressed in white, 
brought flowers and branches of laurel to the con- 
queror ; church bells were rung ; flowers were strewn in 
his path. Bolivar, with his usual energy, set to work 
at once to reestablish order and to arrange to continue 
operations against La Guaira. He issued a proclama- 



56 SIMON BOLIVAR 

tion announcing the rebirth of the Bepublic, and ex- 
pressing his gratitude to Nueva Granada, to whom 
Venezuela owed the beginning of this undertaking. 
In order to avoid the necessity of fulfilling his decree 
of "War to Death, he sent messengers to Puerto Cabello 
to ask Monteverde to ratify the convention by which 
he granted life to all Spaniards caught in Caracas or 
on their way to La Guaira, but Monteverde refused, 
explaining that he did not want to have any dealings 
with the insurgents. 

As soon as the most urgent work of organization was 
finished, Bolivar, who had sent cordial congratulations 
to Marino, went himself to conduct the siege of Puerto 
Cabello. 

At that period, when his glory was at its greatest 
splendor, he made the first public declaration by 
which the world could know that he had no personal 
ambition. He, who in his youth had enjoyed all the 
comforts and pleasures of life ; who had had, in various 
parts of Venezuela, vast estates, slaves which he had 
set free, and all kinds of personal possessions; and 
who had abandoned everything to devote his life to 
his efforts to the service of his country, said these 
words 

' ' The Liberator of Venezuela renounces forever 
and declines irrevocably to accept any office ex- 
cept the post of danger at the head of our soldiers 
in defense of the salvation of our country. ' ' 

And Bolivar lived up to his words. 



bolivar's first victories 57 

Monteverde held many patriots in Puerto Cabello. 
Bolivar proposed an exchange of prisoners, but the 
Spaniard steadily refused all reasonable demands. The 
siege of Puerto Cabello was not altogether successful 
because the city was open to the sea and the royalist 
army was able to receive provisions. A strong expedi- 
tion commanded by don Jose Miguel Salomon arrived 
from Spain to help Monteverde, and Bolivar realized 
that he could not hope to succeed unless the enemy 
could be drawn out of the city to fight in the open. 
Consequently, he ordered his troops to withdraw. 
Monteverde came out of the city on the 30th of Sep- 
tember, and was attacked by three independent 
columns which defeated him completely. They them- 
selves suffered a distressing loss in the death of 
Colonel Girardot, who was killed by a bullet in the 
forehead while hoisting in a captured position the 
flag of independence. Bolivar paid the greatest honor 
to Girardot, and took the heart of his young lieutenant 
to Caracas to receive the homage of the people. The 
soldiers and followers of Girardot asked Bolivar the 
privilege of being sent to avenge the young colonel. 
Monteverde had established himself in a place which 
he considered impregnable. The insurgents attacked 
with all their might, and the enemy was routed. 
Monteverde had to withdraw to Puerto Cabello, where 
he was deposed by his subordinates and Salomon was 
elected to take his place. His successor accepted the 
exchange of prisoners, and Bolivar, leaving some troops 



58 sim6n bolivar 

to continue the siege of the port, went to Caracas, 
where he had to face new difficulties. 

The communication with Nueva Granada had been 
cut by the Spanish troops sent from Maracaibo. In 
Cucuta the royalists were committing all kinds of 
brutal deeds. It is said that assassinations were com- 
mitted as the result of bets. Children under ten years 
of age had their hands cut off. In the Orinoco plains, 
the llanos, Boves with his lieutenant, Morales, ex- 
ceeded whatever imagination can fancy in the way 
of bloodthirsty cruelty. Some independent detach- 
ments had been destroyed in the South, and several 
fanatical priests were discouraging sympathizers of 
freedom, declaring that ' ' The King is the representa- 
tive of God." 1 



i It is necessary, at this point, to make very plain the atti- 
tude of the Catholic clergy in the wars of American indepen- 
dence. Of course, no man of good sense and culture will today 
pay any attention to the accusations against Spain, the clergy 
and the inquisition, all inspired by religious hatred, which is 
one of the worst forms of fanaticism. Nevertheless, there are 
still fanatics who refuse to open their eyes to the truth, either 
because they find their ignorance a very comfortable frame of 
mind or because they maliciously devote themselves to the 
abominable work of slandering a country and institutions which 
have played and are playing a very important historical r61e. 

There appears to be only one serious monograph on Simon 
Bolivar written in English, and this is an article which ap- 
peared in Harper's New Monthly Magazine, No. 238, V. 40, 
published in March, 1870. This article was written by Eugene 
Lawrence, and pretends to be a eulogy of the Man of the South. 
In substance it is nothing more than a superficial synopsis of 
the main facts of the public life of Bolivar, and a constant and 
virulent attack against Spain and the Catholic Church. It 
would seem that to the author Spain is nothing, and has never 



bolivar's first victories 59 

Bolivar sent Brigadier General Urdaneta, who had 
distinguished himself in the previous campaigns, to 
take charge of the army of the West. Campo-Elias, 
another trusted officer, was sent to the plains, while 
Bolivar himself went to Caracas to pay his last homage 
to the heart of Girardot, an action by which he not 
only honored his dead officer, but also showed his ap- 
preciation of the help received from Nueva Granada 



been anything, but kings and priests, and that kings and priests 
are a curse on the population. The cruelties of the Spanish 
kings and priests constitute his main subject. As a matter of 
fact, in the political revolutions of America, the priests have 
been divided and have acted like other men, availing themselves 
of their right to their own opinions. The greatest proof that 
the Church is not to take any blame or praise for whatever 
happened in the War of Independence is that it did not force 
its dignitaries to take any particular stand. They did as they 
pleased. There were priests on the side of Monteverde and 
there were priests on the side of Bolivar. Undoubtedly, the 
former thought and preached that the will of God was to keep 
the American countries in subjection, while the latter might 
have believed that the independence of the American countries 
would satisfy the desires of God. If the Church was on the 
side of Spain, the Spaniards certainly failed to reward her. In 
a letter to the Governor of CuraQao, Bolivar wrote: "Many 
respectable old men, many venerable priests, have seen them- 
selves in chains and in other infamous ways prisoners, herded 
with common criminals and men of the lowest stamp, exposed 
to the insults of brutal soldiers and of the vilest men of the 
lowest station." On the other hand, several priests accom- 
panied Bolivar, and he always showed the greatest veneration 
for the Church and for its members. Speaking, then, of priests 
exploiting the fanaticism of the crowd, no sober-minded his- 
torian would ever intend an attack against the Church in 
general. Furthermore, we must not forget that most of the 
enemies of independence were Americans, and that some pub- 
licists refuse to speak of it as a war of independence but term 
the revolution a civil war. 



60 SIMON BOLIVAR 

in the work of securing the independence of his conn- 
try. In Caracas, Bolivar for the first time received 
officially the name of ' ' Savior of the Country, Libera- 
tor of Venezuela. ' ' On receiving the decree conferring 
these titles upon him, he said that the title of Liberator 
of Venezuela was more glorious and satisfying to him 
than the crowns of all the empires of the world, but 
that the real liberators had been the Congress of Nueva 
Granada, Bibas, Girardot and the other men who had 
been with him throughout the campaign. 

Bolivar was very much concerned with the increas- 
ing wave of discontent which threatened to destroy 
his work. As we said at the beginning, there was no 
public opinion to support him. The masses were 
moved by their feelings, by early acquired habits, by 
superstitions or by low interests, and the llaneros (in- 
habitants of the plains) would follow any chieftain 
who could guarantee them sufficient loot. At only 
thirty years of age Bolivar had proved himself as 
great a statesman as he was a soldier. He arranged 
for the organization of all public services, and when 
this was attended to, he took care to satisfy the 
natural pride of the patriots, by creating an order 
called ' ' The Military Order of the Liberators of Vene- 
zuela. ' ' 



CHAPTER VI. 

Araure. Ribas Triumphs in La Victoria. A Whole- 
sale Execution 

(1813-1814) 

The Governor of Coro had come out of the city with 
1,300 men and had destroyed an independent army. 
He now threatened the possession of Valencia and the 
security of the troops engaged in the siege of Puerto 
Cabello. Yanez, at the head of 2,500 llcmeros, had de- 
stroyed another patriot army and had seized the city 
of Barinas, leaving his path strewn with corpses and 
stained with the blood of his victims. 

TJrdaneta sent news of his danger to the Liberator, 
and the latter came at once to the rescue, and defeated 
in Barquisimeto the army of Coro, only to see this 
victory turned to defeat as the result of a mistaken 
bugle order which caused the- retreat of one of his regi- 
ments. TJrdaneta was entrusted with the organization 
of the remains of the patriotic army, and Bolivar went 
to Valencia to obtain new reinforcements. The Gov- 
ernor of Coro, D. Jose Ceballos by name, succeeded in 
getting in touch with Yanez and the Governor of 
Puerto Cabello, and concerted a combined attack. 
Bolivar ordered Ribas, who was at that time in Cara- 
cas, to come to the rescue with all the men he could 
gather. The commander of Puerto Cabello, Salomon, 



62 SIMON BOLIVAR 

advancing on the road which leads from Valencia to 
Caracas, was attacked by Eibas and by Bolivar and, 
after three days of constant fighting, was forced to 
withdraw to the port, having suffered very heavy 
losses. Then Bolivar, with all the men that he could 
summon, proceeded to San Carlos, where he found 
himself with 3,000 armed men ready to fight the royal- 
ists. With this army he advanced to meet Ceballos, 
and met him, commanding 3,500 men, near a place 
called Araure. The great battle of Araure was fought 
on the 5th of December, 1813. At first it was costly 
to the insurgent armies, which lost their best infantry- 
men. But the Liberator was present everywhere, en- 
couraging his soldiers and directing their movements. 
At last, the independents obtained the victory, and 
the royalists had to withdraw, leaving 1,000 dead and 
many guns. After that battle, Ceballos and Yanez had 
to escape to the south, to the valley of the Orinoco. 
Bolivar's prestige was shown at its best. 

The regiment which, through a mistake, had be- 
gun the retreat at the battle of Barquisimeto, Bolivar 
punished by depriving it of the right to have a flag 
and a name until it would conquer them in the field of 
battle. The "Nameless Battalion" was placed in the 
center of the independent forces in Araure, and ten 
minutes after the battle had started, it had conquered 
a flag from the enemy and had broken through the 
royalist army. From that date the "Nameless Bat- 
talion" was called "The Conqueror of Araure." 



ARAURE — LA VICTORIA 63 

The victory at Araure destroyed in one day the 
armies oppressing Venezuela, and was the last mili- 
tary triumph of 1813, a year of success for the inde- 
pendent army. 

On thanking his staff for the congratulations which 
they addressed to him, Bolivar uttered the following 
significant words : 

"It is true that our armies have avenged Vene- 
zuela: The largest army which has tried to sub- 
jugate us lies destroyed on the field. But we can- 
not rest. Other obligations await us. And when 
our native land is entirely free, we shall go to 
fight the Spaniards in any part of America where 
they are in control, and we shall throw them into 
the sea. Freedom shall live protected by our 
swords. ' ' 

But Bolivar's concern was increasing. He well 
knew that he was not supported by public opinion, and 
he was also aware that the cruel crowds of the plains 
were his greatest menace. 

He sent a communication to the Congress of Nueva 
Granada, notifjdng it of the conquest of the "West and 
of his preparation for war against the men of the 
plains, explaining again his attitude with regard to 
personal power. 

"The possession of supreme authority," he 
wrote, "so flattering for the despots of the other 
continent, has been for me, the lover of liberty, 
heavy and displeasing." 

In another he added : 



64 SIMON BOLIVAR 

"I shall not retain any part of the authority, 
even if the people themselves would entrust it to 

me." 

His report of the 31st of December is one of the 
most conspicuous documents of the life of Bolivar. It 
ranks as high as his proclamation of Cartagena at the 
beginning of the campaign. In this report, through 
his Secretary of Foreign Relations, he expressed his 
idea about union between Nueva Granada and Vene- 
zuela. The document appears as addressed to him, 
and of it the following words deserve special considera- 
tion: 

' ' The lessons of experience should not be lost for 
us. The spectacle presented to us by Europe, 
steeped in blood in an endeavor to establish a 
balance which is forever changing, should correct 
our policy in order to save it from those bloody 
dangers. . . . Besides that continental bal- 
ance of power which Europe is seeking where it 
seems less likely to be found, that is, through war 
and disturbances, there is another balance, a bal- 
ance which concerns us, the balance of the uni- 
verse. The ambition of the European countries is 
to reduce to slavery the other parts of the world, 
and all these other parts of the world should en- 
deavor to establish a balance between themselves 
and Europe in order to destroy the preponder- 
ance of the latter. I call this the balance of the 
world, and it must enter into the calculations of 
American policies. 

' ' It is necessary that our country be sufficiently 
strong to resist successfully the aggressions which 



ARAURE — LA VICTORIA 65 

European ambitions may plan; and this colossal 
power, which must oppose another great power, 
cannot be formed but through the union of all 
South America under a national body, so that a 
single government may use its great resources for 
a single purpose, that of resisting with all of them 
exterior aggressions, while in the interior an in- 
creasing mutual cooperation of all will lift us to 
the summit of power and prosperity." 

The present ideas of inter- American cooperation do 
not differ very much from those existing in the mind 
of Bolivar. 

Following the deposition of Monteverde, the army 
of Puerto Cabello had left for Coro and practically 
disappeared on its way. But some royalists had gone 
to the south, and entered the city of Calabozo, after 
having destroyed an insurgent force. Its commander 
was one of the worst men who had ever breathed the 
air of America, Jose Tomas Eodriguez, a native of 
Spain, who, after having been a pirate, was sentenced 
to the prison of Puerto Cabello. Several Spaniards 
applied for a mitigation of the sentence, and he was 
set free within the city of Calabozo, where he was em- 
ployed when the revolution began. By that time he 
had changed his name to that of Boves. He first 
joined the patriots' army, but for some reason or other 
he was imprisoned. He was released in 1810 by the 
royalists, and swore revenge against the revolutionists. 
He organized a cavalry corps and committed infamous 
deeds of cruelty wherever he happened to be, at the 



66 SIMON BOLIVAR 

same time achieving military success for, though, 
morally a beast, he was clever in the field of battle and 
possessed dauntless bravery. He held the banks of 
the Orinoco with the aid of his lieutenant, Francisco 
Tomas Morales, a native of the Canary Islands, whose 
moral worth can be judged by a single word applied 
to him by Boves himself. Boves called him "atro- 
cious. ' ' While Boves killed Americans systematically, 
considering that it was the best, and perhaps the only 
way to end the insurrection, Morales killed Americans 
for pleasure, whether or not their death would foster 
the ends of the royalists. He had formerly been a ser- 
vant. He was brave and obdurate, and a very able 
second. In the army of Boves, composed of 4,000 
llaneros, he helped to take the city of Calabozo. Boli- 
var immediately asked Marino, who was commanding 
in the East, to help him, but for several reasons, and 
perhaps mainly because Marino wanted to have su- 
preme power, he did not go to the rescue. This was 
the sad state of affairs at the beginning of 1814. 

This year began with, an assembly in Caracas of 
representatives of the people, to whom Bolivar sub- 
mitted a report on the use he had made of his author- 
ity. On that occasion Bolivar spoke his mind as 
plainly as before. Although his words depicted legiti- 
mate pride, he was very anxious to make it understood 
that he was unwilling to retain any power over the 
nation. Among other things he said : 



ARAURE — LA VICTORIA 67 

' ' I accepted and retained the supreme authority 
in order to save you from anarchy and to destroy 
the enemy who tried to support the party of op- 
pression. I have given you laws, I organized for 
you the administration of justice and revenue, 
and, finally, I have given you a government. 

"Fellow citizens: I am not the sovereign. 
Your representatives should draw up your laws. 
The national treasury does not belong to the gov- 
ernment. All those who have kept your wealth 
should show you the use they have made of it. 
. . . . I am anxious to transfer this power to 
the representatives you must appoint, and I hope 
you will relieve me of a burden, which one of you 
can worthily bear, giving me the only honor to 
which I aspire, that is, to continue to fight your 
enemies, for I shall never sheathe my sword until 
the freedom of my country is altogether secure." 

The political governor of Caracas answered the ad- 
dress of the Liberator, praising him for his brilliant 
campaign and for the successes due to his genius. 
After a brief summary of his heroic deeds in Nueva 
Granada, he said that the greatest merit of a man lay 
in the handing over of the power entrusted to him. To 
take the power from Bolivar, he reasoned, would very 
likely work to the ruin of the country, and he ex- 
pressed his belief that the thing necessary to do was to 
offer Bolivar supreme power for the time being. 

In his answer to the governor, Bolivar paid a de- 
serving tribute to his brothers-in-arms, and then added 
the following words: 



68 sim6n bolivar 

"I have not come to oppress you with, my vic- 
torious arms. I have come to bring you the em- 
pire of law. I have come with the purpose of pre- 
serving your sacred rights It is not military 
despotism which can make a people free, and the 
power I have never can be good for the republic 
except for a short period. A successful soldier 
does not acquire any right to command his coun- 
try. He is not the arbiter of laws and govern- 
ment; he is the defender of freedom, and his 
glories must be identical to those of the Eepublic 
and his ambition satisfied if he gives happiness to 
his country. . . . Elect your representatives, 
your magistrates, a just government, and be sure 
that the armies which have saved the Republic 
will always protect the freedom and the national 
glory of Venezuela. ' ' 

Nevertheless, in spite of his protestations, the power 
was forced upon him. He did not stay long in the 
work of the government, but soon devoted his time to 
the conduct of war. Puerto Cabello, with fewer 
soldiers than before, was the main object of his at- 
tention. He intended to put an end to the siege, 
attacking the town at one time by land and by sea. 
Misunderstandings with Marino, who had sent some 
reinforcements previously, prevented the successful 
carrying out of his plan. 

Barinas had fallen into the hands of the royalist 
Yanez, whose bloodthirsty followers beheaded eighty 
soldiers who had been left behind, killed men, women 
and children, and destroyed the whole city by fire. A 



ARAURE — LA VICTORIA 69 

few days later this man was killed in a skirmish, and 
thus ended the life of a fiend whose name may be 
placed at the side of those of Boves and Morales, be- 
cause of his delight in committing crimes. In the rest 
of the country the royalists were conducting guerrilla 
warfare, preventing the reunion of patriotic bodies 
and rendering the situation very critical for Bolivar. 
The largest troops of royalists were generally com- 
manded by men distinguished for their ferocity. To 
the names appearing elsewhere we must add those of 
Calzada ,Yanez' successor, and of Rosete, who com- 
peted with each other for the distinction of shedding 
the most blood. 

Boves, in command of the horsemen of the plains, 
won a great victory in a place called La Puerta, over 
Campo-Elfas, and as a result he reached the valley 
of Valencia and approached the city of Caracas. The 
city of Ocumare was taken by Rosete, who proceeded 
to kill even the persons who were in church praying 
to God. 

In an effort to take advantage of his favorable posi- 
tion by swift movements, Boves advanced to a city 
called La Victoria, on the road from Valencia to 
Caracas, where Ribas was ready to do his utmost to 
prevent the triumph of the bloodthirsty llaneros. On 
the morning of February 12, 1814, Boves attacked and 
succeeded in entering the town, but he found • that 
the garrison was made up of extraordinary men, one 
of whom was worth four of his own, thanks to the 



70 sim6n bolivar 

inspiration and bravery of Ribas. The number of 
casualties was enormous. Ribas saw his best officers 
falling about him, and he himself had three horses 
killed under him. In the middle of the afternoon the 
result of the battle was still undecided. Then troops 
gathered by Campo-Elias after his defeat of La 
Puerta joined the defenders. Ribas pushed out of the 
city and destroyed whatever appeared in his path. 
Boves retreated and installed himself on the outskirts. 
The following day he was attacked again and was 
forced to withdraw, this time in utter disorder. The 
battle of La Victoria was the greatest victory of 
Ribas, and is counted among the most brilliant feats 
of arms during the Venezuelan War of Independence, 
filled as it was with heroic deeds. 

Bolivar did not fail properly to praise the con- 
queror. He announced the triumph to Caracas and 
to the world, and in paying tribute to the living hero, 
he did not forget to pay homage to those who had 
fallen on the field of battle. On that occasion, he 
uttered one of those brilliant expressions so common in 
his writings: "Ribas, against whom adversity is 
powerless. "... He never felt that his own glory 
had to suffer from the unstinted praise he bestowed on 
his followers. 

After this victory at La Victoria, Ribas went to 
Ocumare, where he saw the work of Rosete, who had 
left the streets strewn with dying men, women and 
children, and with the corpses of many victims of his 



AEAURE LA VICTORIA 71 

insatiable ferocity. More than 300 had fallen at 
the hands of the monsters. Bodies and mutilated 
members appeared everywhere, the best proof of how 
just had been Bolivar's decree of War to Death. 
Among other things Eibas found a branding iron in 
the shape of a P, with which Eosete had intended to 
mark the foreheads of the patriots and those of their 
children. 

Bolivar, who in spite of the frequent atrocities of 
the enemy, had had his decree carried out very seldom 
and very reluctantly, now, with the royalists in com- 
mand of Boves, Kosete and Morales, found it necessary 
to begin severe reprisals in earnest. 

The prisoners taken by the independents were con- 
stantly plotting. When Boves was threatening Cara- 
cas, the commander of La Guaira asked Bolivar what 
he was to do with the Spaniards in the prisons of the 
city, considering that they were numerous and the 
garrison very small. The Liberator answered as fol- 
lows: 

"I command you to execute immediately all 
the Spaniards in the fortress and in the hospital, 
without exception." 

He gave a similar order to the authorities in Caracas. 
As a result of these orders, 886 Spaniards and na- 
tives of the Canary Islands were executed. 

This is the act for which Bolivar has been most 
severely criticised and his conduct most generally 
condemned. But, if what we have already said is not 



72 sim6n bolivar 

sufficient to prove the need of these reprisals, we can 
take into consideration also the slow torture to which 
the sick independents in the hospital had been sub- 
jected, the killing of a woman because she had been 
accused of having embroidered a uniform for Bolivar, 
the destruction of the innocent dwellers in the towns 
taken by the royalists. This decision must be consid- 
ered also as a measure of safety, for Bolivar could not 
see an enemy approaching, realizing the necessity per- 
haps of a hasty retreat, and leave behind him rein- 
forcements for his foes. On this occasion, Bolivar 
was not merciful, but mercy had been repeatedly ex- 
ercised by him even against the dictates of wisdom. 
His measure of reprisal in this case can be considered 
as ferocious only by contrast with his previous clem- 
ency. As a historian (Baralt) remarks: 

"It must be agreed that the patience of saints 
could not tolerate the crimes of the royalist lead- 
ers, and at that very moment new attacks in- 
creased indignation and anger to an inexpress- 
ible degree. ' ' 



CHAPTER VII 

The Heroic Death of Ricaurte. Victory of Carabobo 
and Defeat of La Puerta 

(1814) 

Boves had retreated from La Victoria, but after 
reorganizing his army he was again ready to attack. 
Bolivar had very few men, for the country was nearly 
exhausted. With them he waited the dreaded royal- 
ist in a place called San Mateo, where he was attacked 
by an army at least four times as large as his. He 
had but one advantage, having selected a hilly ground 
where the cavalry of the enemy could not easily 
maneuver. The battle began on the 28th of Feb- 
ruary. It lasted all that day, and at the end of ten 
and one-half hours of constant fighting, Bolivar was 
master of the situation, not without having lost some 
of his best men, among them the valiant Campo-Elias, 
who died a few days later. 

Boves, wounded also, withdrew and waited for re- 
inforcements, which arrived in great numbers from 
the plains ; while Bolivar had to reduce the defenders 
of San Mateo in order to send some men to protect 
Caracas, which was being threatened on the southeast 
by Rosete. Boves attacked again on the 20th of 
March and was once more repulsed. Being informed 



74 SIMON BOLIVAR 

that Rosete had been defeated at Ocumare by the in- 
dependents and that Marino was approaching to the 
relief of Bolivar, he decided to make a desperate 
effort to take San Mateo. On the 25th of March he 
made a third attempt, and that day marks the occur- 
rence of one of the heroic deeds of the ages. 

The supplies and the hospital of the insurgents 
were at a house built on a hill, while the fight de- 
veloped down below on the farm of San Mateo, owned 
by Bolivar. Antonio Ricaurte, a native of Santa Fe 
(Nueva Granada) was in command of the house. 
Boves decided to take this position and, in the middle 
of the combat, the independents on the plain dis- 
covered that a large column of royalists had stolen 
towards the ammunition depot from the opposite side 
of the hill. All felt that the war material was lost. 
Ricaurte was known as a brave man, but he could do 
little with the very few men in his command. The 
young man had the wounded men taken down to the 
plain; then he ordered his own soldiers to follow, 
and he remained alone. The enemies continued to 
advance, and finally entered the house. Suddenly 
there was heard a terrific explosion, and, when the 
smoke had cleared, it could be seen that the house 
had been partially destroyed. Ricaurte had blown up 
the ammunition, and with it himself and the enemy. 
Thus Bolivar's army was saved. Boves, who had at- 
tacked thirty times, retreated immediately, leaving 
nearly 1,000 men dead on the field of battle. The 



DEATH OP RICATJRTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 75 

loss of the patriots had been as big, or bigger, than 
that of Boves, but success remained with them. Bi- 
caurte took his place among men who, like Leonidas, 
deemed life of little value as compared with the salva- 
tion of their country. 

Further to the west, Ceballos, the former governor 
of Coro, had obliged the patriots to retreat towards 
Valencia, where they were besieged by him with 
reinforcements brought by Boves, who, after his de- 
feat at San Mateo, had fought Marino, meeting again 
with disaster. In spite of the reinforcements, the 
royalists were forced to retreat when the garrison of 
Valencia was reduced to less than half of its former 
size. 

Marino and Bolivar met in La Victoria. The 
former, with an army made up of his men and some 
given by Bolivar, proceeded to the west to fight 
against Ceballos, while Bolivar went to Puerto Ca- 
bello, intending to take the city by storm. By an 
imprudent move on his own part, Marino was forced 
to meet an army superior to his own, and he was de- 
feated. He then withdrew to Valencia, where Bolivar 
hastened to meet him, once more leaving the city of 
Puerto Cabello. There he learned that Ceballos had 
received reinforcements, and went to Caracas to re- 
cruit more men from a city which by now was bled 
white. Nevertheless, he did obtain a few more men, 
and these he sent to Valencia under Kibas, following 
shortly in order to take personal command of the 
army in the battle. 



76 SIMON BOLIVAR 

The contending armies met on a plain called Cara- 
bobo, the royalists with many more men than there 
were patriots. Desertions from the forces of the repub- 
licans were frequent. This caused Bolivar much con- 
cern, as did the news that Boves was advancing from 
the south with a great body of cavalry. With Marino 
and Rib as to help him, and with his most trusted offi- 
cers at the head of the different sections, he advanced 
against the enemy, commanded at that time by the 
Spanish field-marshal, D. Juan Manuel Cagigal. This 
first battle of Carabobo, fought on the 28th of May, 
was one of the swiftest and most complete victories 
of the Liberator. Three hours were enough to de- 
stroy the royalist army and to force its commander to 
flee to the southwest with some of his men. Many 
officers were killed, great masses of infantrymen sur- 
rendered, 4,000 horses were seized, as well as a 
great quantity of ammunition, provisions, documents 
and money. 

But the battle of Carabobo was not decisive. Boves 
was coming to avenge Cagigal. The Liberator dis- 
tributed his officers with such soldiers as he could 
gather at different points. Marino advanced against 
Boves. Bolivar and Ribas returned to Caracas, still 
on the endless quest for more resources with which to 
fight. "When complimented upon his victory at Cara- 
bobo, Bolivar remarked : 

"Let us not be dazzled by the victories Fate 
gives us; let us prepare ourselves for greater 



DEATH OF RICAURTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 77 

struggles; let us employ all the resources of our 
good or bad condition, based on the principle that 
nothing is accomplished when there is something 
more to do ; and we have much still to do." 

He was thinking of Boves, Boves who had a 
large army, all the resources of the plains, and the 
support of public opinion, while he had neither men 
nor resources, nor the invigorating approval of his 
fellow citizens. 

Marino established himself in La Puerta, a place of 
ill-omen for the patriots, and his position was dis- 
advantageous. When Bolivar arrived to take charge 
of the army, it was too late to change the place, for 
Boves was to the front, with three times as many 
men as there were patriots. It was necessary to fight 
and it was impossible to conquer. All was lost. A 
patriot general (Antonio Maria Freites) killed him- 
self in despair; some officers who had been with 
Bolivar since the beginning of his glorious career died 
on the field of battle. 

Boves killed all the wounded men and prisoners 
who fell into his hands. He invited a prisoner colonel 
(Jalon) to dine with him, and at the end of the meal 
he ordered him to be hanged and his head sent as a 
present to his friends at Calabozo. 

Marino escaped in one direction, and Ribas and 
Bolivar went to Caracas, not without first taking all 
possible steps to hinder the advance of Boves towards 
the city. Bolivar was always full of enthusiasm. At 
that time his most frequent remark was : 



78 sim6n bolivar 

"The art of conquering is learned through 
defeats. ' ' 

This battle of La Puerta took place on June 15, 
1814. Boves entered the city of La Victoria and then 
besieged Valencia, which resisted until every means 
of defense was gone and the defenders were dying of 
thirst and hunger. Boves proposed capitulation of 
the besieged and, it being accepted, entered the city 
on the 10th of July. The treaty provided for the in- 
violability of the life of all the inhabitants of the 
city, either military or civilian. Boves had sworn 
that he would fulfil this convention, but as soon as 
he had the city in his power he violated his own oath 
and, with his usual ferocity, put to the sword the 
governor, the officers, some hundreds of the army, 
and about ninety of the most prominent inhabitants. 
His officers forced the young ladies of the families of 
those who had died to attend a reception in honor of 
Boves. 

Meanwhile, Bolivar was endeavoring to keep enthu- 
siasm alive in Caracas. He even intended to resist the 
advance of the enemy but, being convinced that the 
defense of the town would mean a useless sacrifice, 
he decided to leave it and went east to Barcelona. 
The inhabitants of Caracas, realizing the monster 
Boves was, decided to leave their homes, and a painful 
pilgrimage ensued. The emigration from Caracas is 
one of the saddest episodes of the War of Indepen- 
dence. Many emigrants met death on their way east, 



DEATH OF EICAURTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 79 

but they preferred it to the tortures that Boves knew 
very well how to inflict upon the life and honor of 
the population of the cities he took. He entered the 
capital on the 16th of July, and the crimes started. 
Cagigal, who was a real soldier and a man of honor, 
saw his authority ignored by Boves. In giving an 
account of this fact to the government of Spain, the 
only answer he obtained was that Boves' conduct was 
approved by Madrid with a vote of thanks for his 
important services and his great valor. 

Leaving his lieutenant, Quero, in command of the 
city, Boves followed Bolivar. Quero was a native 
American and was so bad that Boves' rule was pref- 
erable to his. 

With the few men obtained in Caracas, Bolivar 
organized a small army with which he protected the 
emigrants. 

Prom Barcelona he intended to send diplomatic rep- 
resentatives to Europe, thus showing his unshaken 
confidence in the ultimate triumph of his cause. 

With no more than 3,000 men, he faced an army 
of from 8,000 to 10,000 at Aragua, commanded by 
Morales, and was defeated. (August 18, 1814.) A 
battalion composed of the best elements of the youth 
of Caracas was entirely destroyed. Bolivar retreated 
to Barcelona, and Morales entered the town of Aragua, 
where he massacred more than 3,500 men, women 
and children, for the sole crime of being Amer- 
icans. Realizing that he could not hold the city of 



80 sim6n bolivar 

Barcelona, Bolivar went to the city of Cumana with 
generals Ribas and Manuel Piar, the latter famous 
for his military skill, his daring, his restlessness and 
his ultimate sad death, of which we shall speak later. 
From there Bolivar went with Marino to Carupano, 
and then sailed for Cartagena, having lost his reputa- 
tion and having been insulted by his own officers and 
friends, among them Piar and Ribas, himself. 

Before leaving Venezuela, the Liberator issued a 
proclamation, for he never neglected an opportunity 
to speak to his fellow-countrymen and to the world 
in order to build up favorable public opinion, by which 
he hoped to win a final victory. In that document 
Bolivar emphasized the fact that the Spaniards them- 
selves had done very little harm in the fields of battle 
to the cause of independence, and that defeats were 
due mainly to the native royalists. This assertion 
was intended to produce a change of mind on the part 
of the native population. 

' ' It seems that Heaven, to grant us at one time 
humiliation and pride, has permitted that our 
conquerors be our own brothers, and that our 
brothers only may triumph over us. The army of 
freedom exterminated the enemy's force, but it 
could not and should not exterminate the men 
for whose happiness it fought in hundreds of 
battles. It is not just to destroy the men who 
do not want to be free, nor can freedom be en- 
joyed under strength of arms against the opinion 
of fanatics whose depraved souls make them love 
chains as though they were social ties. . . . 



DEATH OF EICATJRTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 81 

Your brothers and not the Spaniards have torn 
your bosom, shed your blood, set your homes on 
fire and condemned you to exile. ' ' 

He then affirmed that he was going to Nueva Granada 
to render an account of his conduct and to have an 
impartial judgment, and finished by asserting to the 
Venezuelans that the people of Nueva Granada would 
again help them, and that he would always be on the 
side of liberty. 

The East was soon subjected, and all Venezuela was 
once again under the yoke of Spain, mainly through 
the work of her own children. During these cam- 
paigns Piar and Ribas and the brave General Ber- 
mtidez, of whom we shall speak later, were united for 
awhile, but at last each one took his own way. The 
only good thing that occurred at this time was Boves' 
death in a battle in December, 1814. Morales was 
still left as Venezuela's curse. 

Ribas, after a defeat, was traveling with two officers. 
He was sick and sad. He lay down to rest under a 
tree while his servant went to a near-by town to obtain 
some provisions. The servant betrayed his master, 
and Ribas was imprisoned. In the town he was hu- 
miliated and insulted. Then he was killed. His head 
was sent to Caracas and placed in an iron cage at the 
entrance of the city. His wife, who was Bolivar's 
aunt, locked herself in a room and swore not to go 
out until freedom was achieved, and she remained 
true to her vow. 



82 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Bolivar and Marino arrived in Cartagena on Sep- 
tember 25, 1814. The former was on his way to 
Tunja to render an account of his Venezuelan cam- 
paign, when he learned that some Venezuelan troops 
commanded by General Urdaneta, who were in the 
territory of Nueva Granada, were quarreling with the 
native soldiers. He went directly to the army to try 
to prevent anarchy and dissensions between the Vene- 
zuelans and the natives of Nueva Granada. The news 
proved to be false. The army of Urdaneta, which had 
left Venezuela to await in the land of Nueva Granada 
new instructions from the Liberator, and had obtained 
the protection of that government, received him with 
the greatest enthusiasm. 

From there Bolivar proceeded to Tunja, where he 
was very well received by Congress. He requested 
that his conduct be examined and impartially judged. 
The President of the Congress answered him with 
the following magnanimous words: 

1 ' General, your country is not vanquished while 
your sword exists. With this sword you will 
again rescue her from the power of her oppres- 
sors. The Congress of Nueva Granada will give 
you its protection because it is satisfied with your 
conduct. You have been an unfortunate general, 
but you are a great man. ' ' 

Then the Congress ordered him to liberate Santa F6 
(Bogota), a part of Nueva Granada, which had been 
separated from the Union. Bolivar with his usual 



DEATH OF KICAURTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 83 

activity proceeded to Bogota, reached the outskirts of 
the city and, promising immunity of properties and 
honor, offered a capitulation. The commander of the 
garrison refused to accept and an assault followed, 
the result of which was the surrender of the city. 
Bolivar was rewarded with the title of Capitdn Gene- 
ral of the Army of the Confederation, and Congress 
immediately transferred the capital from Tunja to 
Santa Fe. 

Congress asked Bolivar to direct the campaign to 
protect Nueva Granada against the royalists. So he 
decided to take Santa Marta, the only place in the 
country which was still in the hands of the Spaniards ; 
then he planned to fight once more for the liberty of 
Venezuela. Before adjourning, to meet again in 
Santa Fe, the Congress at Tunja conferred on Bolivar 
the official title of Pacificador (Peacemaker), which 
is frequently used with reference to him, but not so 
generally as the title he himself used in preference to 
and other : Libertador. 

On this occasion Bolivar could not count on certain 
troops of Cartagena because of the hostility of Cas- 
tillo, the commander, who had had differences with 
Bolivar, and was jealous of his glory. These dissen- 
sions hindered Bolivar 's advance toward Santa Marta, 
and produced delays which resulted in great loss of 
provisions, and also of men because of an epidemic of 
smallpox which developed in the army. To avoid 
further dissension, Bolivar was willing to resign with- 



84 SIMON BOLIVAR 

out using force against the Cartagena contingent. He 
was unwilling to permit the royalists to learn of dis- 
agreements in the independent army. He had at last, 
however, to make ready to take the city and was 
going to lay siege to it when it was learned that a 
great Spanish army had arrived in Venezuela. The 
delay of the independent soldiers before Cartagena 
permitted some royalist troops to take other cities of 
Nueva Granada, causing great losses of men and arms 
on different occasions. Bolivar lost 1,000 men; 100 
artillery guns and other armament were also lost, as 
well as the boats upon which the army counted and 
which would have been very useful to capture the city 
of Santa Marta. At last, convinced that there was 
no remedy for the situation, Bolivar determined to 
resign, and he called for an assembly of his officers, 
who accepted his resignation. He embarked for Ja- 
maica, first issuing another warning against the dis- 
union of the patriots. 

"No tyrant," he said, "has been destroyed by 
your arms ; they have been stained with the blood 
of brothers in two struggles which have produced 
in us an equal sorrow. ' ' 

The departure of Bolivar was very soon to be de- 
plored by the armies of the independents. 

"We have mentioned that a Spanish army had ar- 
rived in Venezuela, and we must give some details 
concerning that expedition. Never in the history of 



DEATH OF RICATJRTE — CARABOBO LA PUERTA 85 

the Spanish domination and struggles in America did 
Spain send such a numerous, well-equipped and 
powerful army as the one mentioned above. It was 
commanded by Field-Marshal D. Pablo Morillo. 



CHAPTER VIII 

Bolivar in Exile and Morillo in Power 

The "Jamaica Letter" 

(1814-1815) 

At that time Napoleon 's luck was beginning to turn 
in Europe. He had been forced to free Fernando 
VII, who had been imprisoned since 1808. Fernando 
VII started to govern his country as a despot, dis- 
regarding the national constitution and the public 
clamor for greater freedom, and soon decided to assert 
his power in the New World. For that purpose he 
organized a powerful army, the total strength of 
which, exclusive of sailors, was nearly 11,000 men, 
supplied with implements for attacks on fortified 
places, and with everything necessary for warfare on 
a large scale. This army was placed under the com- 
mand of Morillo, who also brought with him a number 
of warships and transports. The soldiers had had ex- 
perience in the European war and they had proved 
equal or superior to the armies of Napoleon. The 
plan was to seize Venezuela and Nueva Granada, then 
go southward to Peru, and then to Buenos Aires. 

Morillo decided to land in the island of Margarita, 
whose inhabitants had distinguished themselves by 
their heroism in the long war for independence to 
such an extent that, upon becoming a province, the 



THE " JAMAICA LETTER' ' 87 

island changed its name to New Sparta. Two men 
of equal bravery, Arismendi and Bermudez, were in 
command of a few more than 400 men. Morales 
was about to lead 5,000 to 6,000 men against the island, 
with 32 boats, of which 12 were armed with artillery, 
when Morillo appeared with his huge army. Aris- 
mendi decided to surrender. However, Bermudez 
would not surrender, and, with reckless daring, he 
got into a small boat, passed between Morillo 's large 
vessels, insulting the occupants, and then made his 
escape, going to join the patriots in Cartagena. 

Morillo was a very clever soldier; it is said that 
Wellington himself recommended that he should be 
chosen, as the Spaniard ablest to subject Venezuela 
and New Granada. He was as harsh as he was 
clever, and was ready to wage a war of extermina- 
tion. By the time Morillo reached the continent, 
Venezuela was in the hands of Spain. That was at 
the end of 1814, a fatal year for the cause of inde- 
pendence. From New Spain to the south, the Span- 
ish armies seemed to encounter no resistance. Morillo 
likened the silence and peace he found everywhere to 
the silence and peace of the cemeteries. There was no 
government anywhere, not even military authority. 
Crime prevailed; cupidity and vengeance were the 
guiding principles of the chieftains. 

After leaving a garrison at Margarita and Cumana, 
Morillo went to Caracas, where he arrived on the 11th 
of May, immediately taking Cagigal's place as cap- 



88 SIMON BOLIVAR 

tain general. There he published a proclamation an- 
nouncing that he was ready to go to Nueva Granada 
with his army, and, after levying exorbitant tributes 
in money from the citizens and securing in the most 
outrageous manner all the provisions he could possi- 
bly obtain, he sailed from Puerto Cabello for Carta- 
gena with 8,500 men, while Morales with 3,500 ad- 
vanced by land against the city. 

Cartagena resisted the siege in such an admirable 
manner as to have her name placed side by side with 
the most heroic cities of history. The besiegers had 
all kinds of war material; the city lacked all. Still, 
Cartagena fought constantly during one hundred and 
six days. The city was then almost in ruins; its in- 
habitants were starving in the gutters; soldiers and 
civilians were dying. When Morillo entered its streets 
he found them almost deserted, and he made the few 
remaining persons suffer the worst tortures he could 
devise. The able-bodied men succeeded in escaping by 
sea. 

Several more victories placed all of Nueva Granada 
in the power of Morillo. The Congress had to dissolve 
and the Spaniards entered Santa Fe, marking their 
entrance with the execution of more than 600 Amer- 
icans, among them men of the greatest prominence 
and highest social standing. All hope for the liberty 
of South America seemed to be lost. 

Bolivar arrived in Kingston in May, 1815, where 
he was very well received personally by the governor. 



THE " JAMAICA LETTER" 89 

But lie failed to obtain any substantial help for an 
expedition to the mainland. Learning of the propa- 
ganda being made everywhere against the cause of in- 
dependence, he once more used his pen to counteract 
this influence. His most important writing during 
his stay in Jamaica was a letter addressed on Septem- 
ber 6, 1815, to a gentleman of the island, in which he 
analyzed the causes of the American failure and the 
reasons he had to hope for the final success of the 
cause. The "Letter of Jamaica" is counted as one 
of the greatest documents from the pen of Bolivar. 
First, he examines all the errors and crimes com- 
mitted by the Spaniards in America, describes the 
partial success of the American armies and the de- 
velopment of the war, as well as the enormous sacri- 
fices made for the cause of independence everywhere, 
from New Spain to the provinces of the river Plata 
and Chile. He deprecates the attitude of Europe, 
which does not intervene to save America from the 
clutches of an oppressive government, and proves 
that even for the good of Europe, the independence 
of America should be secured. 

' ' Europe itself, ' ' he said, ' ' by reasons of whole- 
some policies, should have prepared and carried 
out the plan of American independence, not only 
because it is so required for the balance of the 
world, but because this is a legitimate and safe 
means of obtaining commercial posts on the other 
side of the ocean." 



90 sim6n bolivar 

He very exactly described the true condition of the 
American people in the following lucid way : 

"I consider the actual state of America as 
when, after the collapse of the Roman Empire, 
each member constituted a political system in 
conformity with its interests and position, but 
with this great difference: that these scattered 
members reestablished the old nationalities with 
the alterations required by circumstances or 
events. But we, who scarcely keep a vestige of 
things of the past, and who, on the other hand, 
are not Indians nor Europeans, but a mixture of 
the legitimate owners of the country and the 
usurping Spaniards; in short, we, being Amer- 
icans by birth and with rights equal to those of 
Europe, have to dispute these rights with the 
men of the country, and to maintain ourselves 
against the possession of the invaders. Thus, we 
find ourselves in the most extraordinary and com- 
plicated predicament. ' ' 

After analyzing slavery in the abstract, he said : 

"Americans, under the Spanish system now in 
vigor, have in society no other place than that of 
serfs fit for work, and, at the most, that of sim- 
ple consumers ; and even this is limited by absurd 
restrictions, such as prohibition of the cultivation 
of European products; the monopoly of certain 
goods in the hands of the king; the prevention 
of the establishment in America of factories 
not possessed by Spain; the exclusive privileges 
of trade, even regarding the necessities of life; 
the obstacles placed in the way of the American 
provinces so that they may not deal with each 



THE " JAMAICA LETTER" 91 

other, nor have understandings, nor trade. In 
short, do you want to know what was our lot? 
The fields, in which to cultivate indigo, cochineal, 
coffee, sugar cane, cocoa, cotton; the solitary 
plains, to breed cattle; the deserts, to hunt the 
wild beasts; the bosom of the earth, to extract 
gold, with which that avaricious country was 
never satisfied. 

"We were never viceroys or governors except 
by very extraordinary reasons; archbishops and 
bishops, seldom; ambassadors, never; military 
men, only as subordinates ; nobles, without privi- 
leges; lastly, we were neither magistrates nor 
financiers, and hardly merchants. All this we 
had to accept in direct opposition to our insti- 
tutions. 

' ' The Americans have risen suddenly and with- 
out previous preparation and without previous 
knowledge and, what is more deplorable, without 
experience in public affairs, to assume in the 
world the eminent dignity of legislators, magis- 
trates, administrators of the public treasury, dip- 
lomats, generals and all the supreme and sub- 
ordinate authorities which form the hierarchy of 
an organized state. 

' ' The events of the mainland have proved that 
perfectly representative institutions do not agree 
with our character, habits, and present state of 
enlightenment. ... So long as our fellow 
citizens do not acquire the talents and the politi- 
cal virtues which distinguish our brothers of the 
North, who have a system of government alto- 



92 sim6n bolivar 

gether popular in character, I am very much, 
afraid these institutions might lead to our ruin 
instead of aiding us. . . . 

"I desire more than anybody else to see the 
formation in America of the greatest nation in 
the world, not so much as to its extension and 
wealth as to its glory and freedom. 

' ' Monsignor de Pradt has wisely divided America 
into fifteen or seventeen independent states, ruled 
by as many monarchs. I agree on the first point, 
for America could be divided, into seventeen 
countries. As for the second point, although it is 
easier to realize, it is less useful, and, conse-* 
quently, I am not in favor of American mon- 
archies. Here are my reasons: The real inter- 
ests of a republic are circumscribed in the sphere 
of its conservation, prosperity and glory. Since 
freedom is not imperialistic, because it is opposed 
to empires, no impulse induces republicans to ex- 
tend the limits of their country ; injuring its own 
center, with only the object of giving their 
neighbors a liberal constitution. They do not 
acquire any right nor any advantage by conquer- 
ing them, unless they reduce them to colonies, 
conquered territories or allies, following the ex- 
ample of Rome. ... A state too large in 
itself, or together with its dependent territories, 
finally decays and its free form reverts to a 
tyrannical one, the principles which should con- 
serve it relax, and at last it evolves into despot- 
ism. The characteristic of the small republics 
is permanency; that of the large ones is varied, 
but always tends to an empire. Almost all of 
the former have been of long duration; among 



THE ''JAMAICA LETTER" 93 

the latter Rome alone lived for some centuries, 
but this was because the capital was a republic, 
and the rest of her dominions were not, for they 
governed themselves by different laws and con- 
stitutions. ' ' 

Then Bolivar ventures to prophesy the destiny of 
all nations of the continent, from Mexico to the River 
Plata, and he does so with such accuracy of vision 
that almost to the word the history of the first half 
century of independence in Latin America was shaped 
according to his prediction. The tranquility of Chile, 
the tyranny of Rosas in Argentina, the Mexican em- 
pire, all were clearly seen in the future by his genius. 
Near the close of his letter, he adds these inspired 
words : 

"How beautiful it would be if the Isthmus of 
Panama should come to be to us what the Isthmus 
of Corinth was to the Greeks ! May God grant that 
some day we may have the happiness of installing 
there an august congress of the representatives 
of the republics, kingdoms and empires, to dis- 
cuss and study the high interests of peace and 
war with the nations of the other three parts of 
the world ! This kind of cooperation may be es- 
tablished in some happy period of our regenera- 
tion ..." 

He ends this capital document of his career as a po- 
litical writer, by pleading again for union as the only 
means of putting an end to Spanish domination in 
America. 



94 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Nothing better can be said than the following words 
of a biographer of Bolivar: 1 

' ' Alone, poor, in a foreign land, when his friends 
had denied him and had persecuted him, and his 
enemies had torn him to shreds in blind rage, 
when everybody saw America carrying once 
again the yoke imposed upon her, Bolivar saw her 
redeemed, and from the depth of his soul he felt 
himself bound to this wonderful task of redemp- 
tion. His spirit, animated by an unknown breath, 
and which had lived a superior life, saw Colombia 
free, Chile established, Argentina expanding, 
Mexico and Peru liberated, the Isthmus of 
Panama converted into the center of communica- 
tions and activities of human industry; it saw 
South America divided into powerful nationali- 
ties, having passed from slavery to struggle and 
to the conquest of her own dignity, and from the 
times of the sword to those of political civiliza- 
tion and organization of power; national units 
weighty in the statistics of the world by reason 
of their products, by their commerce, by their 
culture, by their wars, their alliances, their laws, 
their free governments ; with names of their own, 
with famous histories, with supreme virtues. All 
that Bolivar saw, and of all that Bolivar wrote. 
Can human intelligence go any farther ? ' ' 



i Larrazabal, "Vida del Libertador Simon Bolivar," Vol. I, 
page 404. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Bolivar's Expedition and New Exile. He goes to 
Guayana. 

(1815-1817) 

While in Jamaica, Bolivar was as active as lie had 
been in Venezuela. While he used his pen to teach the 
world the meaning of the South American Revolu- 
tion, and to try and obtain friends for the cause of 
freedom, he worked actively in the Island and in 
other parts of the West Indies to organize an expedi- 
tion to the continent. 

In this work he was very greatly helped by Luis 
Brion, — a wealthy merchant of Curagao, — who sacri- 
ficed practically all of his private fortune in helping 
the cause of Liberty. 

The influence exercised by the Holy Alliance on 
the governments of Europe had some effect on the 
authorities of Jamaica, who hindered the assembling 
of munitions of war by Bolivar. He then decided to 
go to the Republic of Haiti, after having escaped 
almost by a miracle, an assassin who, believing that 
he was asleep in a hammock where he usually rested, 
stabbed to death a man occupying Bolivar's custo- 
mary place. The assassin was a slave set free by 
Bolivar. 

On his way to Haiti he learned of the surrender 



96 SIMON BOLIVAR 

of Cartagena. The President of Haiti, Alexander 
Petion, received Bolivar in a most friendly way, and 
gave him very substantial assistance in the prepara- 
tions for his expedition to the continent. The men 
who had succeeded in escaping from Cartagena were 
also well received by Petion, and treated in a most 
hospitable manner. Among them many were personal 
enemies of Bolivar. None the less, Bolivar was elected 
supreme head of the expedition, and the refugees 
from Cartagena followed him in his new undertaking, 
with Marino as Major General of the Army and Brion 
as Admiral. About 250 persons constituted the party, 
but they carried enough ammunition to arm six thou- 
sand men, whom they hoped to gather together on 
the continent. Once more Bolivar seemed to under- 
take the impossible, but, as ever, he had full con- 
fidence in the ultimate triumph of liberty. The pro- 
portion of his enemies to his followers was 100 to 1. 
Public opinion was still against him, but he was still 
the same man who, at that time more than any other, 
had become a symbol — the symbol of America's free- 
dom. 

Bolivar made his way to the Island of Margarita, 
where the Spanish commander had systematically 
carried on a work of destruction of wealth and humili- 
ation of families. 

In November of 1815, Arismendi, the man who had 
submitted to Morillo, again proclaimed independence 
in the Island and started to fight with no better arms 



BOLIVAR IN GUAYANA 97 

than clubs and farm implements. The Governor de- 
termined to destroy the population of the Island, 
even allowing his anger to fall on Arismendi's own 
wife, — but Arismendi continued fighting and, know- 
ing his attitude, Bolivar decided to come to Margarita 
before touching the continent. On that island Boli- 
var reorganized the government of the Eepublic in its 
third period and was again proclaimed Supreme Chief 
of the Eepublic, while Marino was designated Second 
Chief. Then Bolivar called for the election of depu- 
ties and proclaimed that he would stop the "War to 
Death, provided the Spaniards would also stop 
waging war in a ruthless way. The Captain General 
answered by offering 10,000 pesos for the head of either 
Bolivar, Bermudez, Marino, Piar, Brion or Arismendi. 
From Margarita the undaunted Libertador went to the 
continent, landing in Carupano, from which place 
he sent Marino to fight in the east, in the land of his 
old victories, where he was well known ; and organized 
a military school to prepare officers, and worked with 
his usual activity in the organization of the army, 
while a popular assembly gathered in the city and 
again accepted Bolivar as Supreme Chief. 

Marino and Piar, the latter fostering the ambitions 
of the former, started again to act against the orders 
of the Libertador. Several partial defeats made the 
condition of the insurgents so critical that Bolivar 
made up his mind to leave the east and commence 
operations in the west, as he had previously done. 



98 SIMON BOLIVAR 

On July 6, he and his men landed in Ocumare de la 
Costa, a port north of Valencia, proclaimed the cessa- 
tion of the War to Death, and offered pardon to all 
those who surrendered, even though they were Span- 
iards. He also proclaimed the freedom of all slaves, 
thereby fulfilling a promise made to President Petion 
of Haiti. 

"Henceforward," he said, "in Venezuela, there 
will be only one class of men : all will be citizens. ' ' 

From there Brion was sent to do as much damage as 
possible to the Spanish sea trade, and he also received 
a commission to get in touch with the government of 
Washington, and with the patriots of Mexico. The 
royalists organized a strong veteran army and attacked 
Bolivar, who, with his inexperienced soldiers, could 
not resist, and had to leave Ocumare. One of his 
followers, called Mac Gregor, who had been sent with 
some men by Bolivar into the interior of the country, 
decided to go and join the guerillas who were fighting 
the royalists in the interior ; and his daring movement 
was crowned with success, for he and his men ad- 
vanced through the plains, fighting the royalists, or 
dodging them when they were too numerous to be 
fought. In that way they covered a distance of over 
four hundred miles, at last joining the forces fighting 
near the Orinoco. Again deprived of his prestige, Boli- 
var was deposed and Marino and Bermudez were 
elected first and second chiefs. Bolivar had to return 



BOLIVAR IN GUATANA 99 

to Haiti. His deposition was not well received by the 
chiefs of the guerillas, who were fighting the royalists 
in the interior. Bolivar — undaunted as ever — thought 
only of organizing an expedition to assist those who 
were fighting in Venezuela. Petion once more rendered 
him substantial aid. He was invited to go to Mexico 
and help in the "War of Independence of new Spain, 
but he declined, and instead continued to make pre- 
parations to go back to fight for his country. 

The different commanders had obtained some par- 
tial successes, but they soon recognized the necessity 
of Bolivar's leadership, and sent Arismendi to Port- 
au-Prince to ask him to return. Admiral Brion also 
besought him to go back to Venezuela. At the end 
of December Bolivar reached Margarita Island with 
some Venezuelan exiles. Once there, he issued a proc- 
lamation convoking an assembly, for his paramount 
desire was to have the military power subordinated 
to the civil government. 

On January 1, 1817, Bolivar once more set foot on 
the continent, this time never to leave it. The lessons 
learned through failures had been well learned, and 
new plans were taking shape in his mind. He was 
thinking of the freedom of all America, not only of 
Venezuela, and started plans for the freedom of New 
Granada and Peru: all this when he had no soldiers 
to command, except 400 men under Arismendi, to 
which 300 were added by conscription. He advanced 
towards Caracas, but was defeated, and had to re- 



100 SIMON BOLIVAR 

turn to Barcelona, leaving all his war provisions in 
the hands of the enemy. He then had 600 men, and 
he knew that an army of over 5,000 royalists was 
advancing against the city. At first he thought of re- 
sisting the enemy, counting on the help of Marino, 
who was at that time in the South, and who, in fact, 
hastened to the rescue. Marino and Bermudez en- 
tered Barcelona and Bolivar received them with joy. 
Nevertheless, he understood that he could not stay in 
that city. It was clear that the best method of resist- 
ance would consist in attacking the royalists from 
different and unexpected angles. He concluded that 
he must leave Barcelona and go to the Orinoco Valley 
and the Province of Guayana (Venezuelan Guiana). 
Several of his officers opposed the idea so strongly 
that at last Bolivar was induced to leave some men to 
protect the city and send the rest to Guayana, under 
the command of Marino. The men left in Barcelona 
were sacrificed by the royalists. In April Bolivar 
crossed the Orinoco and afterwards met Piar, who 
was besieging the City of Angostura, the most im- 
portant position of Guayana. Piar had been fighting 
in that section with some success since the end of 1816. 
The inconstancy of Marino showed itself once more, 
although in this instance his conduct was opposed by 
Bermudez and other officers. He did not give op- 
portune help to Barcelona, and tried to foster his own 
ambitions instead of collaborating with Bolivar. With- 
out the support of Marino and with Barcelona lost, 



BOLIVAR IN GUAYANA 101 

Bolivar found himself in a very difficult situation, 
counting more on his own genius than on human help. 
Morillo, master of Nueva Granada, had come from Santa 
Fe and destroyed most of the insurgent forces existing 
in the western part of Venezuela. He had received 
more reinforcements from Spain. Bolivar, neverthe- 
less, continued his work with his all powerful faith, 
trying to have his dreams proved true by the effort of 
his will; "We shall conquer them and we shall free 
America, ' ' he used to say. The greatest support that 
Bolivar found at that time was that of General Piar's 
troops. 

In order to supplant Bolivar, Marino convoked a 
congress, which proved to be a farce, having but ten 
members. Marino solemnly resigned his place of 
second in command of the army and also resigned on 
behalf of Bolivar, without the slightest authorization 
from his chief. The "congress" appointed Marino 
supreme chief of the army and decided to establish 
the capital of the republic in Margarita. The other 
heads of the army refused to recognize the usurper, 
and many of them, among whom the foremost was 
Colonel Antonio Jose Sucre, went to Guayana to join 
the legitimate commander. Marino himself at last ab- 
ruptly dissolved the congress. Bolivar, with his usual 
prudence, did not show that he noticed the attitude 
of his second, and praised General Piar for his tri- 
umphs, knowing, nevertheless, by that time, that he 
could not count on the personal loyalty of the latter. 



102 sim6n bolivar 

While attending to the operations of the siege Boli- 
var did not neglect his usual administrative work. He 
organized a system of military justice so as to avoid 
the arbitrariness of the military chieftains and, being 
aware that Piar had tried to foster the disloyalty of 
Marino, he endeavored to convince him of his folly, 
and said very plainly that unless these machinations 
were stopped, great evils must be expected. 

Admiral Brion came with his boats to the Orinoco in 
order to help in the siege of Angostura. When he ar- 
rived in the river, the royalists of Angostura decided 
to abandon the city, which fell into the hands of the 
independents, Bermudez being the first to occupy it. 
Bolivar found himself for the first time behind his 
enemy and was ready to fight against his foes m the 
position that his foes had held in the past. He ob- 
tained, besides, great resources in cattle and horses, 
and it seemed possible that he might obtain the co- 
operation of the plainsmen of the Apure Valley, the 
old followers of Boves, now followers of Jose Antonio 
Paez, a lover of personal liberty and a sworn foe of 
the Spanish regime. 



CHAPTER X. 

Piar's Death. Victory of Calabozo. Second Defeat 
at La Puerta. Submission of Paez 

(1817-1818) 

Morillo, who had lost a great part of his army and 
his prestige trying to conquer the Island of Marga- 
rita, was obliged to withdraw when he discovered that 
Bolivar had become master of Guayana. The two 
leaders were soon again confronting each other on the 
mainland. 

Bolivar, who had always been conciliatory towards 
his personal enemies and who had tried to make 
friends with all the chieftains, had been constantly 
preaching union among all the elements fighting for 
independence. He had, however, met with slight suc- 
cess, and a moment came when he realized that he must 
use strong measures in order to have discipline in 
his army. Piar tried to induce certain officers to es- 
tablish a council for the purpose of curtailing the 
authority of Bolivar. The Liberator tried persuasion, 
but failed. Piar decided to leave the army. He pre- 
tended to be sick and, offering to go to one of the is- 
lands of the Caribbean, requested leave of absence, 
which was granted. Once having obtained his leave of 
absence, he became Bolivar 's open foe ; he remained in 



104 sim6n bolivar 

Venezuela and came back to Angostura, where he in 
trigued with other chieftains, and tried to get the 
support of Bermudez to deprive Bolivar of his com- 
mand. Peaceful means failing again to win over Piar, 
Bolivar ordered his apprehension. Piar fled to 
Marino, and began enlisting soldiers to resist. He en- 
joyed great prestige; he had been a distinguished 
general and in bravery, daring, skill and personal 
magnetism, no one surpassed him. Bolivar referred 
with his officers and, after being assured of the sup- 
port of all, he ordered the apprehension of Piar, who 
was abandoned by his own followers and fell into the 
hands of Bolivar's agents. 

Piar was court-martialed and was sentenced to 
death. Bolivar confirmed the sentence and Piar died 
with the same bravery and serenity he had shown on 
the field of battle. Bolivar deplored the fate of the 
valiant general, but with this action succeeded in ob- 
taining a greater measure of respect and obedience 
from the army than he had been able to secure with 
his former leniency. 

As a measure of justice and wisdom, Bolivar, on the 
3rd of September, 1817, decreed the distribution 
of national wealth among the officers and soldiers of 
the Eepublic as a reward for their services. A council 
of state was established, and the General rendered to it 
an account of his work and presented an exposition 
of the state of the national affairs. In his address he 
explained the division of the powers of the state, and 



PIAR'S DEATH — SUBMISSION OF PAEZ 105 

freely praised all the generals of the insurgent army, 
mentioning General Paez, the chieftain of the llaneros 
(plainsmen), who was the terror of the royalists and 
whose support was becoming of paramount importance 
to the Liberator. He declared that Angostura was to 
be the provisional capital of Venezuela until the city 
of Caracas could be retaken from the royalists. 
Then he divided the administration into three sec- 
tions, — state and finance, war and navy, and interior 
and justice, — putting in each the man best prepared 
for the position. 

In order to carry out his decision to advance 
against Caracas, he first made sure that he could 
count on the assistance of Paez. The latter agreed 
to fight in combination with Bolivar on condition that 
he would be absolutely independent and have full 
power in the territory under his command. Paez 
was one of the most remarkable characters of the 
revolution of independence and the early years of 
Venezuela. He was a young man when he came in 
touch with Bolivar, — strong, attractive, every inch a 
warrior, who lived with his plainsmen just as they 
lived, living with, and caring for, his horse as the 
others did, eating the same food as they did, and 
fighting whenever a chance presented itself. He was 
ignorant. He was opposed to discipline and his men 
knew none, — they followed him because of his pres- 
tige and because he was one of them, but better than 
any of them. His men were the same kind Boves had 



106 SIMON BOLIVAR 

commanded, and as Boves was terrible with his horse- 
men, so was Paez, with the exception that Paez fought 
for the cause of liberty and did not stain his life with 
the monstrosities of the Spanish chieftain. His name 
was respected in the southwestern part of Venezuela, 
and he was ready to fight against the army of Morillo 
when he received the message of Bolivar. 

Morillo concentrated his army in Calabozo, the 
center of the plains, intending to attack Paez in 
Apure, and other patriots who operated to the south 
under Zaraza. Bolivar sent General Pedro Leon 
Torres to support the latter, but they were defeated in 
the bloody battle of La Hogaza. 

Bolivar began his movement to join Paez, full of 
confidence in spite of the check at La Hogaza. It was 
now 1818. He was wont to say ' ' This year will see the 
end of the Spanish power in Venezuela." His faith 
had more foundation than during his exile and the 
earlier expeditions, when, with a handful of men, he 
had started to fight against the great armies organized 
by the Spanish government. Public opinion was now 
beginning to swing towards him ; he had Paez and his 
plainsmen on his side and he counted on the great 
resources of Guayana. 

His activity was astonishing. In a month and a 
half, he and his men traveled 900 miles to join Paez. 
As they advanced, his forces were being disciplined, 
organized, strengthened and made ready to fight. 
Owing to his personal prestige, and his unbelievable 



PIAR'S DEATH — SUBMISSION OF PAEZ 107 

daring, Paez was of inestimable value. On one occa- 
sion lie promised Bolivar to have boats at a certain 
place so that the army could cross the Apure River. 
When Bolivar arrived at the point in question with 
the army, he found that there were no boats ready. 
When Paez was questioned by the Libertador, he re- 
plied : 

"Oh, yes, sir, I am counting on the boats." 

' ' But where are they ? ' ' Bolivar asked. 

' ' The enemy has them, ' ' said Paez, indicating some 
royalists' launches and canoes across the river. 

While Bolivar was wondering what Paez meant by 
that, the latter called fifty of his men and with them 
jumped into the river with their unsaddled horses, 
swam through it, defeated the enemy, and brought the 
boats across. Bolivar's forces were then able to pass. 
Immediately the armies of independence advanced to 
Calabozo, with such swiftness that Morillo knew of 
their advance only when they had arrived. The 
Spaniards were utterly defeated and Morillo himself 
barely escaped falling prisoner. Bolivar could have 
advanced and finished the destruction of the royalist 
army, but Paez and other officers were opposed to this 
course, and the commander-in-chief had to yield. 

Soon after this, Bolivar was again in La Victoria, 
between Valencia and Caracas, having occupied the 
rich valley of Aragua, in which he had lived as a 
young man of wealth, and had passed years of suffer- 
ing. He immediately sent proclamations ordering all 



108 SIMON BOLIVAR 

men able to fight to present themselves with arms and 
horses for the service of the Republic. He called on 
those who had been slaves to defend their own free- 
dom, and urged the manufacture and repair of arms. 
His position was by no means secure. Morillo was 
in Valencia, and don Miguel de Latorre, the victor of 
La Hogaza, was in Caracas. A triumph of Morillo 
over some patriots near Valencia forced the Liberator 
to retreat in haste from La Victoria. When Morillo 
learned of his retreat, he immediately went on with 
his persecution and at last met the independent army 
in a place called La Puerta, where, on March 15, 1818, 
he inflicted on Bolivar perhaps the greatest of his 
defeats, although at great loss to himself, and suffer- 
ing severe wounds. The Spanish authorities thought 
that Bolivar would never recover from this disaster, 
but soon the undaunted Liberator was again fighting 
the royal forces. 

The defeat of La Puerta was so costly to the royal- 
ists that they did not dare to occupy the position. It 
was considered so important, however, for the cause 
of Spain that Morillo was rewarded with the title of 
Marquis of La Puerta. Morillo waited for reinforce- 
ments to be sent to him by the Spanish commander of 
Caracas, Latorre; and Bolivar, who never despaired, 
immediately got ready for new struggles. He sum- 
moned Paez to his aid and prepared for the defense 
of Calabozo, so that when Latorre arrived he found 
a well organized army under command of the Libera- 



PIAR'S DEATH SUBMISSION OF PAEZ 109 

tor. He withdrew, and Bolivar followed him, fighting 
an indecisive battle. 

Convinced that he could not at that time occupy 
Caracas, Bolivar decided to consolidate his position 
in the West, and sent his troops towards the city of 
San Carlos, while he worked actively in Calabozo, and 
elsewhere through his lieutenants, to increase his 
army. Then he went to join Paez, was surprised and 
defeated on his way, being in imminent danger him- 
self. Furthermore, through a partial defeat of Paez 
and disasters of other officers, by the end of May the 
insurgent forces were almost totally destroyed. 
Morales, of bloody reputation, had taken Cala- 
bozo ; and, in the East, fate was against the indepen- 
dents, where the weakness of Marino had caused the 
loss of Cumana. In other sections, the troops had 
rebelled against the authority of Bolivar, and had 
begun to fight in the same desultory way as before. 
All this was not sufficient to shake the constancy and 
faith of Bolivar. He addressed a letter to Pueyrredon, 
Supreme Director of the Provinces of the River Plata, 
using these lofty words : 

"Venezuela is now in mourning, but tomorrow, 
covered with laurels, she will have extinguished 
the last of the tyrants who now desecrate her soil. 
Then she will invite you to a single association, so 
that our motto may be ' Unity in South America. ' 
All Americans should have one country." 



110 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Back in Angostura, with his unflinching courage, 
he went on reviving his army and reorganizing the 
supreme government, which had been in the hands of 
the Council of State during his absence. He ap- 
pointed secretaries of the cabinet and established a 
weekly paper to spread the new principles of the 
government. He again entrusted Marino with the 
command of the province of Cumana, took the neces- 
sary steps to suppress the symptoms of indiscipline in 
the army, and initiated several military operations. 
Again, when his means were more limited, his thoughts 
covered a greater field. He seemed unable to assure 
the liberty of Venezuela, yet he was thinking of giving 
freedom to Nueva Granada. He sent a proclamation 
to its inhabitants and directed one of his generals to 
invade it. He said : 

''The day of America has arrived, and no 
human power can stop the course of nature, 
guided by the hand of Providence. Join your 
efforts to those of your brethren. Venezuela goes 
with me to free you, as you in the past with me 
gave freedom to Venezuela. . . . The sun 
will not end the course of its present period with- 
out seeing altars dedicated to liberty throughout 
your territory." 

This promise came true. 

Before undertaking this great task, he convoked 
a national assembly for January 1, 1819. In his long 
proclamation summoning the representatives of the 



PIAR'S DEATH — SUBMISSION OF PAEZ 111 

people he again made a summary of the work already 
done, and asked the people to select the best citizens 
for the places, without regard to the fact that they 
might or might not have been in the army of freedom. 

"For my part," he stated, "I renounce forever 
the authority you have conferred upon me, and, 
while the fearful Venezuelan war lasts, I shall 
accept none save that of a simple soldier. The 
first day of peace will be the last of my com- 
mand. ' ' 

Venezuela had lost the best of her blood; she was 
nothing better than a heap of ruins, and yet, she was 
preparing for new and greater undertakings. . 

After publishing the proclamation, he started for 
Cumana. Learning that Marino had been defeated, 
he sent him to Barcelona, and returned to Angos- 
tura to organize new armies. Spain, he knew, was 
trying to obtain the help of the other nations of 
Europe to regain possession of her American colonies. 
He felt it expedient, therefore, once more to manifest 
to the world the attitude of Venezuela regarding her 
new relations with the mother country. He published 
a decree on November 20, 1818, reaffirming the prin- 
ciples of independence proclaimed on July 5, 1811. 
This decree was published and translated into three 
languages, to be distributed all over the world. After 
stating the reasons for its publication, he emphatically 
declared that Venezuela was free and did not con- 
template further dealings with Spain, nor was she 



112 SIMON BOLIVAR 

willing ever to deal with Spain except as her equal, 
in peace and in war, as is done reciprocally by 
all countries. He concluded with the following words, 
which represent clearly his character and that of his 
followers : 

' ' The Republic of Venezuela declares that from 
April 19, 1810, she has been fighting for her 
rights ; that she has shed most of her sons ' blood, 
that she has sacrificed her youth, all her pleasures, 
and all that is dear and sacred to men, in order 
to regain her sovereign rights and in order to 
keep them in their integrity, as Divine Provi- 
dence granted them to her; the Venezuelan peo- 
ple have decided to bury themselves in the ruins 
of their country if Spain, Europe and the world 
insist on subjecting them to the Spanish yoke." 

Immediately afterwards, Bolivar had to go to the 
West, where Paez had been proclaimed supreme direc- 
tor of the republic by some dissenters. Bolivar talked 
with Paez in private, induced him to return to obedi- 
ence and submission, and promoted him to major gene- 
ral in command of the independent cavalry. The 
Liberator then returned to install the national congress 
and to make preparations for the liberation of Nueva 
Granada. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Congress of Angostura. A Great Address. 
Campaigning in the Plains 

(1819) 

Congress did not meet until February 15, 1819, on 
account of the late arrival of some representatives. 
There again Bolivar spoke, and on this occasion he ex- 
celled himself in expressing his ideas regarding free- 
dom. 1 

"Happy is the citizen," he said in his address, 
"who, under the shield of the armies he com- 
mands, has convoked national sovereignty to exer- 



i Bolivar has been accused of verbosity. Of all the accusa- 
tions, this is one of the most stupid. Bolivar's style is the style 
of his epoch. The Spanish and French writers of that period 
wrote exactly in the same form, and if his words do not appear 
as modern and sober as we might wish them at this time, we 
must remember that times alter customs, and styles also, and 
that if a document of Bolivar's were judged with no knowledge 
of the work realized by the great man of the South, it 
might appear bombastic; when his life is known, his 
words seem altogether natural. He was proud, and his words 
show it, but his pride was a collective pride rather than 
an individual one. He praised the work of the liberators, while 
he was the Liberator par excellence, with this title conferred 
upon him officially. When he mentioned his own person and his 
own glory, he did not exceed the language of men of his time, 
and employed words even inferior to his own merits. He was 
as emphatic as his race is, but he was never pedantic, and as 
for the vanity of which Lorain Petre accuses him and his race, 
it never existed. Lorain Petre 's pamphlet is a work of passion 
masquerading as one of wisdom and of impartiality. 



114 SIMON BOLIVAR 

eise its absolute will. . . . Only a forceful 
need, coupled with the imperious will of the peo- 
ple, could force me into the terrible and hazardous 
position of Dictator and Supreme Chief of the Re- 
public. But I breathe freely now when I return 
to you this authority, which, with much danger, 
difficulty and sorrow, I have succeeded in keeping 
in the midst of the most horrible misfortunes 
which can befall a people." 

Among the most remarkable parts of this docu- 
ment, the following will bear close and careful study : 

"The continuation of authority in one indi- 
vidual has frequently been the undoing of demo- 
cratic governments. Repeated elections are es- 
sential in popular systems, because nothing is so 
dangerous as to permit a citizen to remain long 
in power. The people get used to obeying him 
and he gets used to commanding it, from which 
spring usurpation and tyranny." . . . "We 
have been subjected by deception rather than by 
force. We have been degraded by vice rather 
than by superstition. Slavery is a child of dark- 
ness; an ignorant people becomes a blind instru- 
ment of its own destruction. It takes license 
for freedom, treachery for patriotism, vengeance 
for justice." . . . "Liberty is a rich food, 
but of difficult digestion. Our weak fellow citi- 
zens must greatly strengthen their spirit before 
they are able to digest the wholesome and nu- 
tritious bread of liberty." . . . "The most 
perfect system of government is the one which 
produces the greatest possible happiness, the 
greatest degree of social safety, and the greatest 
political stability." 



THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 115 

The following study of the balance of powers in a 
country shows keen political penetration : 

"In republics, the executive must be the 
stronger, because all conspire against him; while 
in monarchies, the legislative power should be the 
stronger, because all conspire in favor of the 
monarch. The splendor of the throne, of the 
crown, of the purple; the formidable support 
given to it by the nobility; the immense wealth 
which generations accumulate in the same 
dynasty; the fraternal protection which kings 
mutually enjoy, are considerable advantages which 
militate in favor of royal authority and make it 
almost boundless. These advantages show the 
need of giving a republican executive a greater 
degree of authority than that possessed by a con- 
stitutional prince. 

"A republican executive is an individual iso- 
lated in the midst of society, to restrain the im- 
pulses of the people toward license and the pro- 
pensities of administrators to arbitrariness. He is 
directly subject to the legislative power, to the 
people ; he is a single man, resisting the combined 
attack of opinion, personal interests and the pas- 
sions of society. ' ' 

Elsewhere in his address, he remarks : 

"The government of Venezuela has been, is, 
and must be republican; its foundation must be 
the sovereignty of the people, the division of 
powers, civil freedom, the proscription of slavery, 
the abolition of monarchy and of privileges." 
. . . "Unlimited freedom, absolute democ- 
racy, are the rocks upon which republican hopes 



116 SIMON BOLIVAR 

have been destroyed. Look at the old republics, 
the modern republics, and the republics now in 
process of formation; almost all have aimed to 
establish themselves as absolutely democratic, and 
almost all have failed in their just desires." 
. . . "Angels only, and not men, could exist 
free, peaceful and happy, while all of them ex- 
ercise sovereign power. " . . . " Let the legis- 
lative power relinquish the attributes belonging 
to the executive, but let it acquire, nevertheless, 
new influence in the true balance of authority. 
Let the courts be strengthened by the stability 
and independence of the judges, by the establish- 
ment of juries, and of civil and criminal codes, not 
prescribed by old times, nor by conquering kings, 
but by the voice of nature, by the clamor of jus- 
tice and by the genius of wisdom. . . . " Hu- 
mankind cries against the thoughtless and blind 
legislators who have thought that they might with 
impunity try chimerical institutions. All the peo- 
ples of the world have attempted to gain free- 
dom, some by deeds of arms, others by laws pass- 
ing alternately from anarchy to despotism, from 
despotism to anarchy. Very few have contented 
themselves with moderate ambitions consti- 
tuting themselves in conformity with their means, 
their spirit and their circumstances. Let us 
not aspire to impossible things, lest, desiring 
to rise above the region of freedom, we descend to 
the region of tyranny. From absolute liberty, 
peoples invariably descend to absolute power, and 
the means between those two extremes is social 
liberty." . . . "In order to constitute a 
stable government, a national spirit is required 



THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 117 

as a foundation, having for its object a uni- 
form aspiration toward two capital principles; 
moderation of popular will and limitation of pub- 
lic authority." . . . "Popular education must 
be the first care of the paternal love of Congress. 
Morals and enlightenment are the two poles of a 
republic; morals and enlightenment are our first 
needs. ' ' 

Then Bolivar recommended the sanctioning of his 
decree granting freedom to the slaves. 

"I abandon to your sovereign decision the re- 
form or abrogation of all my statutes and decrees, 
but I implore for the confirmation of the absolute 
freedom of slaves as I would implore for my own 
life and the life of the Republic." 

This document might well be quoted in its entirety. 
Very few in the history of mankind can compare with 
it. "No one has ever spoken like this man," says an 
author. 1 The peoples of America have been march- 
ing steadily, though at times haltingly, but always in 
a progressive way, toward the ideals of Bolivar. The 
Congress of Angostura carried into effect many of 
these sublime principles. 

"An assembly of tried and illustrious men, the 
Congress of Angostura, responded to the impor- 
tant requirements of the revolution, and when it 
gave birth to Colombia, powerful and splendid, 



i Larrazabal — Vida de Sim6n Bolivar. Vol. 2, p. 177. 



118 SIMON BOLIVAR 

it realized no longer a task Venezuelan in char- 
acter, but rather an American mission." 1 

"The address of the Liberator in Angostura 
may be considered as a masterpiece of reason and 
patriotism. ' ' 2 

At the beginning the Congress was formed of 
twenty-six deputies, which number was increased to 
twenty-nine, representing the provinces of Caracas, 
Barcelona, Cumana, Barinas, Guayana, Margarita and 
Casanare. This last province belonged to Nueva 
Granada and the others forming the same vice-royalty 
were expected to be represented as soon as freed from 
Spanish domination. Its president was don Francisco 
Antonio Zea. 

As was proper Bolivar immediately divested himself 
of the civil authority, handing it to the President of 
the Congress and then resigned his command of the 
army, offering to serve in any military position, in 
which he pledged himself to give an example of sub- 
ordination and of the "blind obedience which should 
distinguish every soldier of the Republic. ' ' The Con- 
gress, as was to be expected, confirmed Bolivar in his 
command and sanctioned all the commissions he had 
given during the campaign. He was also elected Presi- 
dent of the Republic, with don Francisco Antonio Zea 
as Vice-President to take charge of the government 



i Discurso de Bolivar en el Congreso de Angostura, — Cara- 
cas.— 1919. 

2Larrazabal — Vida de Simon Bolivar, Vol. 2, p. 177. 



THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 119 

during the campaigns of the Liberator. He organized 
the government, made the appointments for the cabinet 
and sent commissioners to England to obtain arms, 
ammunition and a loan of a million pounds sterling, 
undertakings in which the Kepublic did not meet with 
success at that time. 

The installation of the Congress made a great im- 
pression at home and abroad, in spite of the attacks 
and ridicule with which the Spaniards tried to dis- 
credit it. On that eventful day Bolivar saw his dream 
of a great nation, Colombia, take shape, even though 
it were in danger of dying shortly after its birth. 

After asking all the members of the government 
and prominent persons of Angostura to remain united 
in the cause of liberty, he went to join the army in 
the western section. 

During his stay in Angostura and afterwards he 
had been receiving foreign contingents, especially 
from England. The Foreign Legion played from that 
time on a very important role in the War of Inde- 
pendence and helped substantially to obtain the 
triumph. By means of the British contingents, the 
plainsmen of Paez, the regular armies of Bermudez 
and Marino, and the genius of Bolivar, which united 
and directed all, the final victory was achieved. 

After a rapid march, Bolivar joined Paez and for 
a while waged a constant war in the plains, consist- 
ing of local actions by which he slowly, but surely, 
destroyed the morale of the royalists and did all the 



120 SIMON" BOLIVAR 

harm he could, the climate being a great factor in his 
favor. He was impetuous by nature, but for a while 
he imitated Fabius by slowly gnawing at the strength 
of his foe. He tired him with marches and surprises. 
He burned the grass of the plains, cleared away the 
cattle, and drove Morillo to the point of desperation. 
Meanwhile he lived the same life as the llaneros, for 
he could do whatever the semi-barbarous plainsmen 
did. He could ride on the bare back of a horse 
against the foe, or just for the exhilaration of cross- 
ing the endless plains with the swiftness of lightning ; 
he could groom his horse and he did; he swam the 
rivers, waded marshes, slept on the ground and asso- 
ciated freely with his men in the moonlight in front 
of the camp fires. 

At this point of the war, Paez again distinguished 
himself by an act of supreme daring. "With 150 of 
his horsemen, he crossed the river Arauca, which sepa- 
rated the independent army from the royalists, and 
then feigned a retreat along the river, which in very 
few places could be waded. Morillo, considering him 
and his men easy prey, sent 1,200 men, including all 
his cavalry, against the retreating horsemen. When 
they were far from the main body of the army Paez 
rushed against the attacking party, without giving 
them time to organize, and at the first inrush he des- 
troyed the column. The defeated royalists fled to their 
camp and Morillo decided to withdraw, which he did 
during the night. This action, fought on April 3, 



THE CONGRESS OF ANGOSTURA 121 

1819, and known as the Battle of Las Queseras del 
Medio, covered Paez with, glory and Morillo with, dis- 
credit. Bolivar conferred all the honors and praise 
possible on the brave Paez and on his men. 

At that time the plains began to be flooded. In 
the northern part of South America, the season of 
rain, called winter, lasts from May until October. 
The Valley of the Orinoco becomes in places an in- 
terior sea. The cattle go up to the highlands and, 
where horses walk in the summer, small boats ply in 
the winter, going from village to village and from 
home to home. The villages are built on piles, and 
traveling on horseback is very difficult during this 
season. On these plains, Bolivar and his men would 
travel, riding or swimming as required. They would 
drive cattle with them and kill them for food, press- 
ing the remaining meat under the saddles, and con- 
tinuing the march. To all of this the plainsmen 
were accustomed ; and to this, Bolivar, born among the 
greatest comforts and reared amid all the refinements 
of life, showed no apparent repugnance. 



CHAPTER XII 

Bolivar Pays His Debt to Nueva Granada. Boyaca, 
A dream comes true 

(1819) 

Paez was commissioned to get fresh, horses with 
which to advance against Barinas, when Bolivar got 
in communication with the province of Nueva Granada 
— where Santander, a very able general, had organized 
an army, which was fighting successfully against the 
royalists. Bolivar perhaps recalled his promise made 
to Nueva Granada before leaving Angostura, or per- 
haps he obeyed a long prepared plan. The fact is 
that he decided to do nothing less than cross the 
flooded plains, go to the viceroyalty, free that country 
from the Spanish domination and return to emanci- 
pate Venezuela. The man who could not consider 
himself even the equal of Morillo again dreamed of 
the impossible, and decided to convert it into fact. 

He convoked his officers, communicated to them his 
plan of leaving some men to distract Morillo 's atten- 
tion while he, himself, should go quickly to Nueva 
Granada and give it freedom, and on May 25, 1819, 
he started to carry out his project, one perhaps more 
difficult than those of Hannibal and Napoleon. 

He left Paez to hold the attention of the royalists, 



A DREAM COMES TRUE 123 

and, besides that depletion, had to suffer the loss of 
many of his plainsmen who refused to accompany him 
across the Andes. But Colonel Rook, the head of 
the British Legion, assured Bolivar that he would 
follow him "beyond Cape Horn, if necessary." After 
spending a month painfully wading through the 
flooded plains, he ascended the Andes and crossed 
them, in spite of inexpressible suffering. The men had 
lost most of their clothing in the marshes below ; very 
few soldiers had even a pair of trousers in good con- 
dition. Leaving the torrid climate of the plains, these 
men had to climb up the Andes almost naked, on 
foot, — because they could not use their horses, — and to 
suffer the freezing cold of the summits. Many died, 
but the faith of Bolivar sustained the rest. The Lib- 
erator himself suffered all the fatigue of the road. He 
was worn out, but he was always going forward. 

Then he began his fight with the royalists in the 
land of Nueva Granada. At this time he had no 
horses and his men had had to abandon most of the 
provisions and ammunition. "While in these straits, he 
learned that a royalist army of 5,000 well disciplined 
men was approaching. Bolivar had three days only 
in which to get ready, but at the end of that short 
period he had arms and horses provided and his men 
prepared to fight. Then he attacked the enemy, at 
first by the system of guerillas and later in formal 
battle, in which his genius succeeded in defeating the 
disciplined strength of his foes. On entering the 



124 sim6n bolivar 

emancipated cities lie was received with the greatest 
enthusiasm and acclaimed as their liberator. New 
recruits joined him everywhere. 

These pitched battles would receive greater mention 
in history were it not for the fact that another one 
took place almost immediately afterwards which, by 
its magnitude and its results, made the others sink to 
a secondary place. The royalists took position in a 
place called Boyaea. They were commanded by Bar- 
reiro, and formed the vanguard of the army of the 
viceroy Samano. Bolivar attacked them with an 
army only two-thirds their size and was victorious. 
Among the independents was Jose Antonio Anzoate- 
gui, a major general, who fought like a hero and suc- 
ceeded in breaking the stubborn resistance of the 
enemy. Death spared him on the field of battle, but 
his glorious career ended a few days after the victory 
of Boyaea, following a short illness. He was thirty 
years old. A member of a very distinguished family, 
his culture was brilliant, his character was pure, his 
loyalty and patriotism were unsurpassed. His loss was 
equivalent to a great defeat. Barreiro, the commander 
of the royalists, fell prisoner to Bolivar's troops. This 
battle occurred on August 7, 1819, and was not only 
a complete victory for the forces of independence, but 
also meant practically the end of the Spanish regime 
in Nueva Granada. 

Regarding the crossing of the Andes and the vie- 




CROSSING THE ANDES 

From a painting by Tito Salas existing in the Federal Palace 
in Caracas, Venezuela. 



A DEEAM COMES TRUE 125 

tory of Boyaca, J. E. Rodo (Uruguayan), one of the 
greatest thinkers of recent years, says: 

"Other crossings of mountains may have been 
more adroit and of a more exemplary strategy; 
none so audacious, so heroic and legendary. 
Twenty-five hundred men climb the eastern slope 
of the range, and a smaller number of specters 
descends the other side; these specters are those 
of the men who were strong in body and soul, 
for the weak ones remained in the snow, in the 
torrents, on the heights where the air is not suffi- 
cient for human breasts. And with those spec- 
ters of survivors, the victory of Boyaca was ob- 
tained. ' n 

One of the elements required for the upbuilding of 
Colombia — the independence of Nueva Granada, was 
created by the victory of Boyaca. This was by its 
effects the greatest triumph of Bolivar up to that 
moment. The Liberator advanced to Bogota and was 
received there in a frenzy of admiration and love. 

The whole march and campaign lasted 75 days. 
This is the time a man would require to traverse the 
distance covered; but it was completed by an army, 
fighting against nature and man, and conquering 
both. Immediately after the triumph of Boyaca, 
Bolivar sent troops to the different sections of Nueva 
Granada, and felt the satisfaction of repaying this 
country for what she had done when she placed in 



i J. E. Kod6— Bolivar. 



126 SIMON BOLIVAR 

his hands the army with which he first achieved 
the freedom of Venezuela. In Bogota, he obtained 
money and other very important resources with which 
to continue the war in Venezuela. As elsewhere, he 
used his marvelous activity in the work of organiza- 
tion, and in conducting his armies on the field of bat- 
tle. A great assembly of the most prominent men of 
Bogota conferred upon him the title of Liberator of 
Nueva Granada, and bestowed the same title on all 
the men composing his army, each one of whom also 
received a cross of honor called the Cross of Boyaca. 
A Vice-President of Nueva Granada was appointed, 
General Francisco de Paula Santander, the man who 
had organized the troops which Bolivar joined when 
he invaded the viceroyalty. Bolivar considered all the 
inhabitants as citizens of Colombia, without asking 
questions about their previous conduct, and issued 
passports to those who cared to depart. 

After Boyaca, the campaigns of Bolivar were very 
swift, very successful and on a very different footing 
from his past campaigns. His enemies henceforth had 
to give up calling him the chieftain of rebels and ban- 
dits, and to treat him as an equal. He, however, by 
word and act showed to the world that he was not 
their equal, but very far their superior. After Bo- 
yaca, "victory is always true, and grows, and spreads 
as the waters of a flood, and from peak to peak of 
the Andes, each mountain is a milestone of triumph. ' n 



i J. E. Eodo — Bolivar. 



A DEEAM COMES TRUE 127 

The royalists retreated from Bogota, and Samano 
fled to Cartagena. As for Bolivar, lie soon returned 
to Venezuela, leaving the business of Nueva Granada 
in the hands of Santander, recommending him to re- 
spect the rights of everyone, because, as he said, "Jus- 
tice is the foundation of the Republic." 

In Angostura, there had arisen dissensions, and 
opposition to the vice-president, and even to Bolivar, 
himself. Some wanted him to be treated as a deserter 
because he had undertaken the campaign of Nueva 
Granada without the permission of Congress; some 
pronounced him defeated ; some declared that he was 
fleeing to safety. Marino, who had been called to 
occupy his seat in Congress, seconded by Arismendi, 
was the center of ill feeling against Bolivar. The 
vice-president was forced to resign, and Arismendi 
was elected in his stead. His first action was to ap- 
point Marino head of the army of the East. The 
substitution of a military president for a civilian was 
a vicious precedent which, unfortunately, has been fol- 
lowed in many instances by the Spanish American 
countries. Arismendi proved, nevertheless, a good 
vice-president, and retained the cabinet appointed by 
Bolivar. Affairs were in this condition when news ar- 
rived of Bolivar's victory in Boyaca. 

The Liberator had learned of the disturbances in 
Angostura on his way to Venezuela. He received 
also at this time the distressing news of the execution, 
ordered by Santander, of Barreiro and the other 



128 sim6n bolivar 

Spanish prisoners taken in Boyaca. Bolivar had pro- 
posed to the viceroy an exchange of prisoners, but 
the viceroy had not even answered Bolivar's com- 
munication. The Liberator had never agreed that 
the cause of freedom should be stained by the blood 
of prisoners, except in those very exceptional cases, 
already mentioned, when the War to Death decree 
was in effect. On some occasions, individual chief- 
tains had not hesitated to commit crimes as heinous 
as those of the royalists. Though at times Bolivar 
had to ignore such actions, lest he be left alone by 
his followers, whenever he could prevent them, he 
did. He had recommended justice to Santander, who, 
though otherwise a distinguished officer, an able 
general and patriot, marred the fame he had acquired 
by this stupid act of cruelty, an act not to be justi- 
fied even by the fact that Barreiro had ordered, 
without any form of law, the execution of many 
prisoners of war. Once, when a priest was implor- 
ing that the lives of prisoners be spared, Barreiro 
answered: "I am shooting them as I should shoot 
Bolivar were he ever to fall into my hands." San- 
tander published a proclamation in which he tried to 
vindicate his conduct, but history has been just in its 
severity, condemning him unreservedly. 

Once back in Angostura, Bolivar feigned ingorance 
of what had happened, and comported himself with 
much prudence and circumspection. Arismendi pre- 
sented his resignation with words of modesty, and 



A DREAM COMES TRUE 129 

promises which he fulfilled thereafter. On December 
14, Bolivar appeared before the Congress, and in an 
address gave a short report of his victory in Nueva 
Granada, voicing his constant aspiration for the union 
of Venezuela and Nueva Granada to form the republic 
of Colombia. He said : 

"Its aspiration (that of Nueva Granada) to 
join its provinces to those of Venezuela is . . . 
unanimous. The New Granadians are entirely 
convinced of the enormous advantages which 
would result to both countries from the creation 
of a new republic composed of these two nations. 
The union of Nueva Granada and Venezuela is 
the only purpose I have had since my first battles ; 
it is the wish of the citizens of both countries, 
and it is the guaranty of the freedom of South 
America. ... It behooves your wisdom to 
decree this great social act and to establish the 
principles of the pact on which this great re- 
public is to be founded. Proclaim it before the 
whole world, and my services will be rewarded." 

The vice-president endorsed the proposition of Boli- 
var with eloquent words, incidentally praising the 
victorious general and his troops. Among the per- 
sons who came to compliment him was an old foe 
named Mariano Montilla, a colonel in the army. Boli- 
var knew well how to discover real qualifications even 
in the hearts of his enemies, and he availed himself 
of this opportunity to establish strong bonds of friend- 
ship between himself and his former foe. He gave 



130 SIMON BOLIVAK 

Montilla full powers to go to Cartagena, still in the 
hands of the Spaniards, with instructions to take it. 
Montilla proved worthy of Bolivar's trust. After 
fourteen months' siege, he captured Cartagena, as 
we shall see later. 

On the 17th of December, 1819, Congress decreed 
the creation of Colombia by the union of Venezuela, 
Nueva Granada and Quito into a single republic. 
Bolivar was then elected president. Don Antonio Zea 
was elected vice-president for Venezuela, and San- 
tander for Nueva Granada (also called Cundina- 
marca). No vice-president was elected for Quito. 
The organization of Quito was deferred until the 
army of freedom should enter that city. 

The dream of Bolivar had come true again, and 
his prophecy made in Jamaica in 1815 had become 
a reality. 



CHAPTER XIII 

Humanizing War. Morillo's Withdrawal 

(1820) 

Meanwhile, in Spain, a great expedition was being 
prepared to come to America, an expedition which 
was intended to surpass even the army of Morillo. 
Fernando VII was determined to reestablish his abso- 
lute power, not only in Spain but in the colonies. Mo- 
rillo, in Venezuela, was asking for reinforcements. 
In his pleas for more men he stated that he wanted 
them to conquer Bolivar, "an indomitable soul, whom 
a single victory, the smallest, is enough to make mas- 
ter of 500 leagues of territory." Fernando VII was 
very willing to send this expedition, not merely to 
support his authority, but also to get rid of many 
officers who were accused of liberal principles. The 
army, gathered in Cadiz, was very soon undermined 
by subversive ideas. An officer named Rafael Riego led 
the insurrection, and on New Year's Day, 1820, instead 
of being on its way to America, the army was in revolt 
in the name of constitutional freedom. The ultimate 
result of this was that the expedition did not sail, and 
that Fernando VII had frankly to accept a constitu- 
tional program. Although Morillo endeavored to con- 
vey the idea that the events in Cadiz had little im- 
portance, the news which reached Bolivar after some 



132 sim6n bolivar 

delay strengthened his hope, for it seemed evident that 
Spanish soldiers were unwilling to come to America 
to fight against the insurgents. 

In January, 1820, Bolivar again crossed the plains, 
where Paez was in command, and journeyed toward 
Bogota, with the object of publishing the law estab- 
lishing the Eepublic of Colombia. It was proclaimed 
there with solemnity by Santander, who, on communi- 
cating the event to the President, praised the latter 
with the following words: "Colombia is the only 
child of the immortal Bolivar. In March Bolivar was 
in Bogota, where he gave the final orders for the 
various military operations to be conducted in the 
North and South. 

In his absence, the Congress of Angostura decreed 
that he should use the official title Libertador before 
the word Presidente, and consider this title as his own 
on all occasions of his life. Many other honors were 
conferred upon him and his men. Grateful at heart, 
Bolivar devoted his attention to the stupendous task 
of organizing the country. 

Meanwhile, Morillo, waiting for the Spanish re- 
inforcements which never arrived,, distributed his 
armies on the plains and in the southwest, in order to 
be in a position to fight Bolivar whenever the oppor- 
tunity occurred. There were still nearly 15,000 men 
under Morillo, besides those who were in Nueva Gran- 
ada occupying Cartagena and other smaller places, 
and those in possession of Quito. Bolivar organized 



HUMANIZING WAR 133 

another army, determined to try his forces once more 
against those of his powerful foe. 

As a result of the revolution in Spain, Morillo had 
to proclaim and swear to the Spanish constitution in 
the provinces that he governed. This fact wrought a 
marked change in the position of the contending 
armies. The representative government established 
certain rights for provinces, and at the same time 
created the hope among the Spaniards that the revo- 
lution would end by conferring the privilege of 
representation on the American colonies. 

The Spanish government initiated peace negotia- 
tions with the patriots, and Morillo was made presi- 
dent of a commission which went to talk this matter 
over with the heads of the Colombian revolution in 
July, 1820. A " Junta Pacificadora, " or assembly to 
establish peace, was set up by Morillo in Caracas. 
Its first work was to send communications to the vari- 
ous generals to suspend military operations for a 
month, while settlement was being reached, and Boli- 
var was approached. On this occasion, Bolivar was 
addressed as "His Excellency, the President of the 
Republic." He was no longer the rebel, the insurgent 
or the bandit. 

Bolivar was not to be deceived by any conciliatory 
attitude on the part of the government. He decided 
that all his subordinate officers should furnish every 
means for the conferences with the royalists, but al- 
ways on the basis of the independence of Colombia. 



134 SIMON BOLIVAR 

"It will never be humiliating," he wrote in a 
letter to one of his officers, "to offer peace on the 
principles established in the declaration of the 
Republic of Venezuela, 1 which ought to be the 
foundation of all negotiations; first, because it is 
ordered by a law of the Republic, and second, 
because it is necessary according to the nature and 
for the salvation of Colombia. ' ' 

Consequently, Congress answered the commis- 
sioners who came to deal with Bolivar that the sover- 
eign congress of Colombia would listen with pleasure 
to all the propositions of the Spanish government, pro- 
vided they were founded on the acknowledgment of 
the sovereignty and independence of Colombia, and 
that it would not admit any departure from this prin- 
ciple, often proclaimed by the government and people 
of the republic. 

Latorre, one of the most distinguished and gentle- 
manly of the Spanish commanders, sent a personal 
note to Bolivar, in which he expressed the hope 
that Bolivar would some day give him the pleasure of 
embracing him as his brother. Bolivar answered ac- 
cepting the armistice, but reiterated that he would 
listen to no proposition not based on the indepen- 
dence of Colombia. 

The proposal of the Spanish commanders was that 
the provinces should adopt the political constitution 
of the Spanish monarchy ; the King would permit the 



iThat of November, 1818. 



HUMANIZING WAR 135 

present chieftains to retain command in the provin- 
ces they were then occupying for an indefinite time, 
but subordinate either to the general of the Spanish 
army or directly to the Spanish government. The 
representative of Bolivar, for Bolivar did not attend 
the meeting through necessities of the campaign, de- 
clined to accept the proposals, and added : 

"The champions of justice and liberty, far 
from feeling flattered by promises of unlimited 
command, feel insulted to see themselves identi- 
fied with the low element which prefers to op- 
press arid be powerful to the sublime glory of 
being the liberators of their country." 

Meanwhile, the diplomatic representatives of Co- 
lombia were strengthening the credit of the country in 
London. The public debt was recognized and a sys- 
tem of payment was decided on. Colombia, whose 
freedom was not yet accepted by the world, had at 
the time better credit than that of some of the Euro- 
pean countries. On the other hand, some diplomatic 
movements were badly conducted in Europe. The 
royalist system was so deeply rooted in the spirits 
of men that many did not hesitate to take steps to 
establish independent kingdoms in America, with Eu- 
ropean princes at their heads. As a matter of fact, 
at that time, the Spanish colonies, with the exception 
of Colombia, showed very marked monarchical tenden- 
cies. Mexico had given indication of her desire for a 
Spanish prince, and at last fell into the hands of 



136 sim6n bolivar 

Iturbide. In Buenos Aires also, a monarch was 
wanted, and it is well known that San Martin, the 
hero of Argentina and Chile, was very much in favor 
of the monarchical system. Colombia alone continued 
to support Bolivar in his idea concerning the estab- 
lishment and the conservation of the republican sys- 
tem. It is true that Bolivar wanted a president for 
life and an hereditary senate, but these ideas were 
rejected by his fellow citizens. He defended them 
with great vigor, and, if we are to judge by the his- 
tory of anarchy succeeded by long periods of tyranny 
through which many countries of Spanish America 
have passed, we may believe that Bolivar's ideas 
were based on a knowledge of all the weaknesses 
characteristic of the Spanish American people of 
his time. He wanted to live up to the lofty words 
of Henry Clay, who, in the House of Representatives 
of the United States, proposed that Colombia should 
be recognized as a free country, "worthy for many 
reasons to stand side by side with the most illustrious 
peoples of the world, ' ' a solemn utterance which had 
little weight at that time in the United States, but 
which, showed for the first time in a semi-official way 
that the United States was taking notice of the im- 
portant movement of the South. 

Bolivar, after an expedition to inspect the military 
operations of his army, sent a communication to Mo- 
rillo, notifying him that he was ready to communicate 
with him. In a later letter, he asked Morillo to give 



HUMANIZING WAR 137 

instructions to his commanders to enter into a treaty 
to regularize the war, the horrors and crimes of which 
up to that time had steeped Colombia in tears and 
blood. The first arrangement made by the command- 
ers of both sides was the agreement to an armis- 
tice to last during six months, covering all Colombia, 
and designating the lines where the contending armies 
should stay. It was also agreed that a treaty would 
be drafted providing for the continuance of war in 
accordance with international law and the usages of 
civilized countries. The initiative for these improve- 
ments was due to Bolivar, who was also the author of 
the basis of the treaty proposed by the Colombian 
delegates. Among the clauses of this agreement were 
some providing for the safety, good-treatment and 
exchange of prisoners ; the abolition of capital punish- 
ment against deserters apprehended in the ranks of 
the enemy; the inviolability of lives and property in 
the sections tentatively occupied by the troops of 
the two armies; and the burial or incineration of 
the bodies of the dead on the field of battle. No 
treaty of the same nature entered into before that 
time had been so advanced in character. As Bolivar 
had previously said, the Venezuelans had nothing to 
lose; they had lost everything already; but the new 
treaty prevented further misfortune or abuse. 

Subsequent to the signing of the treaty, Morillo 
expressed a desire to meet Bolivar personally, and 
Bolivar agreed. The two met in a town called Santa 



138 * sim6n bolivar 

Ana, accompanied by a very few officers. Latorre 
also attended the meeting, but the presence of officers 
particularly distasteful to Bolivar was prevented by 
Morillo. Bach of these two men represented in its 
noblest aspect the cause which he defended. It is 
strange that neither of them seemed to have been pre- 
pared by circumstances of early life for the role 
he was playing. Morillo was born of humble parent- 
age, and from the lowest rung of the ladder he climbed 
to the highest place in the army, always in defense of 
the monarchy, until he received the titles of Count of 
Cartagena and Marquis of La Puerta; Bolivar, born 
in wealth, destined to become a millionaire and to be 
the recipient of every honor if he remained on the 
side of the oppressors of his country, sacrificed every- 
thing, lost his personal property to the last penny, 
and shared privations of every kind with his soldiers. 
When he had money, he gave it away; when he had 
no money, he gave away his food and clothing. His 
generosity was unlimited. On one occasion, when he 
learned that the man who had helped him to secure 
a passport after the surrender of Miranda was in 
prison and his estate about to be confiscated, Bolivar 
immediately asked that his own private property be 
taken instead of that of his friend. 

But both Bolivar and Morillo were very much above 
the common chieftains, the bloodthirsty Boves, the 
ignorant Paez. They were the best representatives of 
what was truest and loftiest in Spanish power and 
in independent energy. 



HUMANIZING WAR 139 

The interview was cordial. The two men embraced 
one another, had a long friendly conversation, and 
parted with a high mutual regard. They decided 
that a monument should be erected to commemorate 
their meeting. Bolivar's toast at a dinner tendered 
him on that occasion indicated clearly how he desired 
the war to be fought in the future. Lifting his glass, 
he said: 

"To the heroic firmness of all the fighters of 
both armies; to their constancy, endurance and 
matchless bravery; to the worthy men who sup- 
port and defend freedom in the face of ghastly 
penalties; to those who have gloriously died de- 
fending their country and their government; to 
the wounded men of both armies who have shown 
their intrepidity, their dignity and their charac- 
ter . . . eternal hatred to those who de- 
sire blood and who shed it unjustly." 

Morillo answered in these words : 

"May Heaven punish those who are not in- 
spired with the same feelings of peace and friend- 
ship that animate us." 

From that day on the correspondence between the two 
men was very respectful and cordial. 

Morillo knew well that he could not conquer the 
independent army, and he decided to return to Spain 
before he had lost his reputation in Venezuela. He 
asked to be recalled, and was succeeded by D. Manuel 
de Latorre, of whom we have already made mention. 
Transfer of the command was effected on the four- 
teenth of December, 1820. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

The Second Battle of Garabobo. Ambitions and Re- 
wards. Bolivar's Disinterestedness. American 
Unity 

(1821) 

Sucre had been placed by Bolivar in command of 
the army of the South, with instructions to go to 
Guayaquil, — a section which was not covered by the 
armistice, — in order to negotiate its incorporation 
with Colombia. San Martin desired to have the prov- 
ince of Quito form part of Peru, and there is no 
ground for believing that he did so without sound 
and patriotic reasons. Bolivar, on his part, insisted 
that Quito and Guayaquil should belong to Colombia. 
Sucre had a very delicate mission, for he represented 
a man totally opposite in ideas to San Martm, al- 
though inspired by the same lofty motives and with 
the same noble purpose of freedom. Sucre went by 
sea to Guayaquil and prevented its invasion by the 
royalists, who had Quito in their possession. 

Meanwhile, new commissioners came from Spain to 
undertake peace negotiations. On that occasion Boli- 
var wrote a very courteous letter to Latorre; and in 
a private communication he sent these friendly words 
to him : 



SECOND BATTLE OF CARABOBO 141 

"I feel happy, my dear General, at seeing you 
at the head of my enemies, for nobody can do 
less harm and more good than you. You are 
destined to heal the wounds of your new coun- 
try. You came to fight against it, and you are 
going to protect it. You have always shown 
yourself as a noble foe; be also the most faithful 
friend. ' ' 

He also sent commissioners to Spain with a very polite 
and cordial letter to Ferdinand VII, so as to do his 
best to obtain the freedom of Colombia and its accept- 
ance by Spain, avoiding, if possible, further fighting. 
Maracaibo, which, as we have seen, had always 
been a royalist city, also decided to break with Spain ; 
on this occasion, Latorre thought that Bolivar had 
broken the armistice, a thing that Bolivar denied, for 
he had not intervened in the movement, although he 
was ready to support the city in its labors toward 
freedom. He was willing to submit the decision of 
the question to arbitration, but Latorre did not ac- 
quiesce. Bolivar then notified him that hostilities were 
resumed. He was convinced that the Spanish Gov- 
ernment never thought seriously of granting peace to 
the former colonies through accepting their indepen- 
dence. He immediately concentrated his forces, or- 
ganized an expedition against Maracaibo, called the 
cavalry, ordered invasion of the province of Caracas, 
obtained incorporation of Paez and his plainsmen, 
and advanced toward the enemy. On opening the 
campaign, he published a proclamation offering par- 



142 SIMON BOLIVAR 

don to the Spaniards and promising to send, them to 
their country, and in all respects to obey the treaty 
on regularization of warfare. He also ordered his 
soldiers to obey the stipulations of that treaty. 

"The Government," he said, "imposes on you 
the strict duty of being more merciful than brave. 
Any one who may infringe on any of the articles 
on the regulation of war will be punished with 
death. Even when our foes would break them, 
we must fulfil them, so that Colombia 's glory may 
not be stained with blood." 

It must not be forgotten that these enemies of Boli- 
var were very different from the murderers com- 
manded by Yafiez or Boves. 

The new Colombian Congress convened in the city 
of Bosario de Cucuta. Bolivar, as usual on such oc- 
casions, submitted his resignation in order to leave 
the Congress free to give the command to whomever 
it might select. Among the members of the Congress 
there were some men openly hostile to Bolivar, and in 
his communication he not only presented the usual 
reasons for resigning, but also stated frankly that he 
was tired of hearing himself called tyrant by his 
enemies. The Congress answered very cordially, ask- 
ing him to remain in his position and assuring him 
of the gratitude of the Assembly for his valor and 
constancy. 

Knowing that Latorre had advanced to Araure, the 
General moved with his army toward the town of 



SECOND BATTLE OP CARABOBO 143 

San Carlos, where he received some reinforcements. 
As other independent commanders were harassing 
Latorre at different points, the Spaniard had to send 
some of his troops to repel these attacks, and so was 
forced to weaken his own army. Then he placed him- 
self on the plain of Carabobo, where Bolivar, in 1814, 
had defeated the royalists commanded by Cagigal and 
Ceballos. There he was attacked by Bolivar on June 
24, 1821. At eleven o'clock in the morning the bat- 
tle began, and it developed with the swiftness of 
lightning. In an hour the royalist army was des- 
troyed, not without great losses to the indepen- 
dents. In one hour not only the royalist army was 
defeated, but the Spanish domination in Venezuela 
had come to an end. In this battle, a very decisive 
role was played by the British legion, and by the 
brave llaneros commanded by Paez. 

As the battle of Boyaca practically secured the in- 
dependence of Nueva Granada, the battle of Carabobo 
secured the independence of Venezuela. Boyaca and 
Carabobo were up to that moment the greatest titles 
of glory for Bolivar, but his work was not completed, 
and America had still more and brighter glory in 
store for him. He, in his vigorous style, described 
the battle in a communication to the Congress, in 
which he said, among other things : 

"Yesterday the political birth of the Republic 
of Colombia was confirmed by a splendid vic- 
tory." 



144 SIMON BOLIVAR 

Then he praised Paez, whom he immediately pro- 
moted to the rank of full General of the Army, and 
paid last homage to General Cedeno, who died in 
action, — 

''none braver than he, none more obedient to the 
Government . . . He died in the middle of 
the battle, in the heroic manner in which the life 
of the brave of Colombia deserves to end. . . • . 
"The Republic suffers an equal pain in the 
death of the most daring Colonel Plaza, who, 
filled with unparalleled enthusiasm, threw him- 
self against an enemy battalion to conquer it. 
Colonel Plaza deserves the tears of Colombia 
. . . The Spanish army had over 6,000 
picked men. This army does not exist any more ; 
400 of the enemy's men entered Puerto Cabello 
today." 

The struggle for Venezuelan independence opened 
on April 19, 1810, in Caracas, and closed on June 24, 
1821, at Carabobo. 

The Congress decreed the highest honors to the 
conquerors of Carabobo, ordered a day of public re- 
joicing throughout the whole country, and set the 
following day for the funerals of all those who had 
fallen on the field of battle. 

After the battle of Carabobo, Venezuela was divided 
into three military districts, which were placed under 
the command respectively of Marino, Paez and Ber- 
mudez, who had also been promoted to the rank of 
general. In this way, Bolivar tried to satisfy the 



SECOND BATTLE OF CARABOBO 145 

ambitions of his officers, who, in more than one re- 
spect, considered their conquests as private property. 
This was especially true of Paez. The Liberator had 
to be very careful in dealing with them, constantly 
impelled by the fear that through peace their rest- 
lessness would become a danger to the stability of the 
country. Bolivar summarized the situation when he 
exclaimed : 

"I am more afraid of peace than of war!" 

His attention was then turned to the campaign of 
the South. He had been informed that San Martin 
was inclined to deal with the royalists, and he wanted 
to hasten there to avoid any such compromise. At 
this time he learned that the independence of Mexico 
was a fact, and he became impatient to finish the 
emancipation of Colombia by means of the freedom 
of the Isthmus of Panama, which he used to call the 
"carrier of the universe." 

Upon the organization of Colombia, as a result of 
the union of Nueva G-ranada and Venezuela, Bolivar 
was made president, and in that capacity he signed 
the constitution of 1821. In his communication to 
the Congress of Rosario de Cucuta, he reiterated his 
desire to resign the command. On this occasion, his 
declaration could not be more emphatic. 

"A man like me is a dangerous citizen in a 
popular government. He is an immediate threat 
to the national sovereignty. I want to be a citi- 



146 SIMON BOLIVAR 

zen in order to secure my own freedom and the 
freedom of everybody else. I prefer the title of 
citizen to that of Liberator, because the latter 
comes from war and the former comes from the 
law. Change, I beg you, all my titles for that of 
good citizen." 

Of course, no one would think of accepting his 
resignation at a moment when his genius was most 
needed for the organization of the country. 

We have mentioned very often the resignation of 
the Liberator from his command, and the invariable 
nonacceptance of it. Some enemies of Bolivar have 
declared that he never resigned in earnest, and have 
gone so far as to pronounce him an ambitious man 
who wanted all glory and power in Colombia and 
South America. The declarations made by Bolivar 
were made before the whole world. He had gained 
sufficient glory to be termed a great man, even though 
he left the army. If his resignation had been ac- 
cepted, it is absolutely certain that he would have 
abandoned the power in order to keep untainted his 
reputation as a warrior, as an organizer, and as a 
self-sacrificing patriot. At that time he was praised 
by the North American press, as well as by men in 
every part of the world. The press of the United 
States opposed his resignation, considering it prema- 
ture. General Foy said : 

"Bolivar, born a subject, freeing a world, and 
dying as a citizen, shall be for America a re- 



SECOND BATTLE OP CAEABOBO 147 

deeming divinity, and in history the noblest ex- 
ample of greatness to which a man can arrive." 

The Archbishop of Malines, Monsignor de Pradt, 
said: 

"The morality of the world, weakened with so 
many examples of violence, baseness, ambition, 
covetousness and hypocrisy, was in need of a 
stimulus like Bolivar, whose moderation and 
whose unheard-of abnegation in the full posses- 
sion of power have rendered ambition hateful. 
The example of this great, virtuous man may 
serve as a general purification, strong enough to 
disinfect society." 

The author of this monograph has been very keen to 
find all papers and documents in which appears dispar- 
aging criticism of the life of Bolivar. He declares that 
he has never found one which is not invalidated by 
reasons of personal interest, political antagonism or 
prejudice. Bolivar's life was always consistent with 
his words. He was a man of power. Whenever oc- 
casion demanded it, he became a real dictator. At 
times necessity made him rather weak in dealing with 
the stormy elements of his own party, and only in 
exceptional circumstances, as in the sad case of Gen- 
eral Piar did he rise to the plane of severity in letting 
justice take its course. A careful study of the life of 
Bolivar has produced a great change in the mind of 
the author of this work. He has come to realize 
that he was studying not merely the life and deeds 



148 sim6n bolivar 

of a great American, or even of a great man among 
all men, but the history of one of those exceptional 
beings selected by God to perform the highest mis- 
sions and to teach great lessons. The student, upon 
leaving the subject, feels the same reverence expe- 
rienced upon leaving a sacred place, where the spirit 
has been under the influence of the supernatural. 
Bolivar's ambition was the legitimate desire for 
glory, but he never wanted that power which con- 
sists in the oppression of fellowmen and the acquisi- 
tion of wealth. 

We have seen that General Sucre had gone by sea 
to Guayaquil, while Bolivar decided to go by land to 
Quito. He considered this campaign as decisive, but 
while he was making his preparations, he did not 
neglect the diplomatic relations of his country, the 
organization of finance nor the domestic service. He 
continued to dream of the unity of America. He 
never succeeded in attaining it, but that dream was 
the star to which he had hitched his chariot. He had 
been in communication with the statesmen of Argen- 
tina and Chile, and, as we have seen, in his procla- 
mation sent to the inhabitants of Nueva Granada he 
expressed a desire that the motto of America should 
be "Unity in South America." He sent one plenipo- 
tentiary to Mexico, and another to Peru, Chile and Ar- 
gentina. In his instructions to the latter he said the 
following words, which sound today, a century later, 
as though they had been uttered yesterday : 



SECOND BATTLE OF CAEABOBO 149 

"I repeat that of all I have expressed, there 
is nothing of so much importance at this moment 
as the formation of a league truly American. But 
this confederation must not be formed simply on 
the principles of an ordinary alliance for attack 
and for defense; it must be closer than the one 
lately formed in Europe against the freedom of 
the people. 

"It is necessary that our society be a society 
of sister nations, divided for the time being in 
the exercise of their sovereignty, on account of 
the course of human events, but united, strong 
and powerful, in order to support each other 
against aggressions of foreign powers. 

"It is indispensable that you should inces- 
santly urge the necessity to establish immediately 
the foundations of an amphictyonic body or as- 
sembly of plenipotentiaries to promote the com- 
mon interests of the American states, to settle 
the differences which may arise in the future 
between peoples which have the same habits and 
the same customs, and which, through the lack of 
such a sacred institution, may perhaps kindle de- 
plorable wars, such as those which have destroyed 
other regions less fortunate." 

In the projected treaty carried by the same repre- 
sentative, the following appears: , 

"Both contracting parties guarantee to each 
other the integrity of their respective territories, 
as constituted before the present war, keeping the 
boundaries possessed at that time by each cap- 
taincy general or viceroyalty of those who now 
have resumed the exercise of their sovereignty, 



150 SIMON BOLIVAE 

unless in a legal way two or more of them have 
agreed to form a single body or nation, as has 
happened with the old captaincy general of Vene- 
zuela and the kingdom of Nueva Granada, which 
now form the Republic of Colombia." 

Similar instructions were given to the representa- 
tive sent to Mexico. 

The treaty arranged with Peru was similar to an- 
other entered into afterwards with Chile. In both 
documents it was stipulated : that an assembly should 
be organized with representatives of the different 
countries ; that all the governments of America, or of 
that part of America which had belonged to Spain, 
should be invited to enter into that union, league, or 
perpetual confederation ; that the assembly of plenipo- 
tentiaries should be entrusted with the work of laying 
the foundation for, and of establishing, the closer re- 
lations which should exist among all of those states; 
and that this assembly should ' ' serve them as a council 
in great conflicts, as a point of contact in the common 
dangers, as faithful interpreter of their public treaties 
when difficulties occur, and as an arbitral judge and 
conciliator in their disputes and differences. ' ' In this 
way, two great principles were sanctioned by Bolivar : 
the principle of uti-possidetis and the principle of arbi- 
tration, which was proclaimed in America, for the first 
time, by Bolivar as president of Colombia. 

Before leaving for the campaign of the South, the 
Libertador Presidente received the good news of Car- 



SECOND BATTLE OF CARABOBO 151 

tagena's fall into the hands of Montilla after four- 
teen months of siege, and of the insurrection of Pana- 
ma, which became independent and formed the eighth 
department of Colombia. 

The importance of the independence of Panama 
cannot be exaggerated. Bolivar wisely deemed it of 
greatest moment, and what has occurred during the 
twentieth century has proved that Bolivar was abso- 
lutely right in his judgment. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Bombona and Pichincha. The Birth of Ecuador. 
Bolivar and San Martin Face to Face 

(1822) 

In January, 1822, Bolivar was in Cali, assembling 
his army to invade Quito by land. 

This campaign proved to be the most difficult he 
had undertaken with respect to natural obstacles. Be- 
tween Quito and his army, the Andes form a nucleus 
of mountains called the Nudo de Pasto. All the diffi- 
culties with which he had had to contend in the cam- 
paigns of Venezuela and Nueva Granada, — such as the 
flooded plains, the deep ravines between Venezuela and 
the Colombian valleys, the narrow and rugged pas- 
sages, the wild beasts, — sink into nothingness as com- 
pared with the almost unconquerable obstacles which 
he was to face on his way to the South. In no other 
part of the continent do the Andes present such an 
appalling combination of ravines, torrents, precipitous 
paths and gigantic peaks. Furthermore, nowhere on 
the continent was the population so hostile to freedom 
as were the pastusos (inhabitants of the Pastos). Men, 
women and children cordially hated the cause of the 
Republic, and stopped at no crime to destroy the 
armies of Bolivar. Despite all this opposition, Bolivar 



BOMBONA AND PICHINCHA 153 

made ready to throw the glories he had earned in 
Boyaca and Carabobo into the balance, risking every- 
thing to obtain the freedom of the peoples of the south, 
and the union of Quito and Colombia. This campaign 
presented difficulties greater than Napoleon himself 
ever found in his path. The Alps do not compare 
with these American mountains, — which rank with 
the Himalayas. 

On the 8th of March, Bolivar began his advance to 
the South, being forced to leave a thousand men in 
the hospitals on the way. Scarcely two thousand 
men formed the army when it approached the for- 
midable Nudo de Pasto. Sucre, who had been sta- 
tioned in Guayaquil, moved so as to distract the at- 
tention of the Spaniards, thus helping Bolivar, and 
this was the only favorable circumstance. 

Two thousand men were awaiting Bolivar in the 
city of Pasto, men who knew the country and who 
had the support of the inhabitants in their war against 
the independents. The commander of Pasto was a 
Spanish colonel named D. Basilio Garcia. 

The two armies met in a place called Bombona, 
where all the advantages were on the side of the 
royalists. Bolivar found himself about to attack an 
army made almost invulnerable by nature; forests, 
roads, ravines — all protected it. In such a position, 
Bolivar merely said these words : ' ' We must conquer 
and we will conquer!" 

On the 7th of April the battle of Bombona occurred. 



154 SIMON BOLIVAE 

It lasted the entire afternoon and part of the night. 
The independent army rose to the occasion, and ac- 
complished what it had never before realized. The 
light of the moon witnessed the retreat of the royalist 
army, defeated and destroyed, seeking shelter in the 
city of Pasto; and the name of Bombona was written 
in history beside those of Boyaca and Carabobo as 
among the most momentous, the most significant bat- 
tles fought for the cause of independence. 1 The city 
of Pasto was unanimous against the Liberator, who 
now asked Garcia to surrender. Garcia at first re- 
fused, but finally accepted capitulation. He was a 
brave man and a creditable representative of Spanish 
heroism. 

Bolivar entered Pasto. He was in such grave dan- 
ger from the hostility of the inhabitants that he had 
to be escorted by Spanish soldiers, who, in this way, 
displayed their loyalty to their word and their high 
sense of honor. 

This occurred on the 8th of June, 1822. The battle 
of Bombona had taken place two months before, and 
in the interval another great event occurred in favor 



i Before the battle, General Pedro Leon Torres misunderstood 
an order from Bolivar. The latter instructed him to surrender 
his command to a colonel. Torres took a rifle and answered: 

1 ' Libertador, if I am not good enough to serve my coun- 
try as a general, I shall serve her as a grenadier. ' ' 

Bolivar gave him back his command; Torres ordered the ad- 
vance of his men and threw himself against the enemy, falling 
fatally wounded. 



bombona and pichincha 155 

of the independent army. General Sucre, who had 
come to help Bolivar in the movement, had taken 
several cities as he advanced toward Quito. On the 
24th of May he fought a decisive battle on the vol- 
canic mountain of Pichincha, by which the indepen- 
dence of Quito was secured. The battle of Pichincha 
made Sucre the greatest general in the republican 
army, after Bolivar. He captured 1,200 prisoners, 
several pieces of field artillery, guns and implements 
of war, and even made prisoner the Spanish com- 
mander, Aymerich. On the 25th of May, Sucre en- 
tered the city of Quito, two hundred and eighty years 
after the Spaniards arrived in that city for the first 
time. 

With Sucre in Quito and Bolivar in Pasto, many 
bodies of royalist troops surrendered. 

In the United States, the question of recognizing 
the independence of the South American countries 
finally came before Congress. On March 8, 1822, 
with James Monroe as President and John Quincy 
Adams as Secretary of State, the ideas expressed by 
Henry Clay in 1820 were carried to full fruition. 
The press had been working in favor of independence, 
and the message of Monroe in favor of recognition 
was an interpretation of public opinion at that time. 
In the report presented to Congress was the follow- 
ing expression : 

"To deny to the peoples of Spanish America 
their right to independence would be in fact to 
renounce our own independence." 



156 sim6n bolivar 

The independence of the South American countries 
was recognized by a congressional vote of 159 out of 
160. It is better to forget the name of the man who 
opposed it. Spain fought against this measure but 
still it held. Colombia, Mexico and Buenos Aires en- 
tered into the concert of free nations. 

Bolivar proceeded to organize the province of Los 
Pastos, and, with the help of the Bishop of Popayan, — 
a former foe to the cause of independence, who had 
wanted to return to Spain when the insurgents took 
possession of the city, but who was persuaded to re- 
main by the noble words of Bolivar — finally obtained 
the consolidation of the republic in that section. A 
few days later Bolivar left Los Pastos for Quito, 
where he was received in triumph. The authorities 
of the old kingdom of Quito declared the city's desire 
to be reunited with the Republic of Colombia, — to be- 
come a part of the latter. Upon receiving the minutes 
of the assembly in which this decision was taken, 
Bolivar decided that this resolution should be placed 
before the proper representatives of the people, so 
that it might be given greater emphasis by their ap- 
proval. 

In the organization of the country, Bolivar formed 
the department of Ecuador of three old provinces. 
Sucre, promoted to the rank of major general, was 
appointed governor of this department. Then Boli- 
var addressed a letter to San Martin, at that time 
Protector of Peru, telling him that the war in Colom- 



bombona and pichincha 157 

bia had come to an end and that his men were ready 
to go wherever their brothers would call them, "espe- 
cially to the country of our neighbors to the South." 

There was a serious problem to be solved in the 
South, and it had to be worked out in Guayaquil. Two 
great men were going to come face to face. It is 
necessary to study, even briefly, the personality of the 
other noted man of the South, General San Martin. 

D. Jose de San Martin was born on the 25th of 
February, 1778, of Spanish parents, in the little vil- 
lage of Yapeyu, in the missions established among the 
Indians in the northeast part of what is now the Ar- 
gentine Republic. His father was lieutenant governor 
of the department. Jose was educated in Spain among 
youths of noble birth. At eleven years of age he 
entered the army. He fought in Africa, against the 
French, and in Portugal. In the campaign in Por- 
tugal he was a brother-in-arms of don Mariano Mon- 
tilla, the hero of Cartagena. He rose to the position 
of lieutenant colonel. In 1811 he met Miranda in 
London, and then decided to come to Buenos Aires. 
He arrived there in 1812, and placed himself at the 
disposal of the revolutionary government, which gave 
him the grade of lieutenant colonel of cavalry. He 
immediately showed his talent as an organizer of 
men; he instructed his officers and disciplined his 
soldiers. 

At the beginning of the Argentine revolution, the 
idea of independence was vague, and it was San Mar- 



158 SIMON BOLIVAR 

tin who first suggested that the revolutionists should 
call themselves ' ' independents, " so as to have a cause, 
a flag and principles by which they might be known. 
It is necessary to remember that the revolution in this 
section of America was always of a monarchical ten- 
dency, and San Martin was always an ardent sup- 
porter of monarchical ideas. The only battle in which 
he took part in Argentina was one in which he, with 
120 men, defeated 250 foes. The independence of the 
viceroyalty of the River Plata caused very little blood- 
shed, except in the northern part, which is now the 
republic of Bolivia. San Martin was sent to fight the 
Spaniards in this section, but he well knew the futility 
of attacking by land, because the greatest stronghold 
of the Spaniards on the entire continent — the vice- 
royalty of Peru — was on the other side. He then 
feigned illness, and was sent as governor to the prov- 
ince of Cuyo, at the foot of the Andes, where he 
worked constantly and efficiently to organize a large 
army. He succeeded, not with the brilliancy of Boli- 
var's genius, but through the constancy of his own 
methodical soul. 

San Martin was reserved. It was very difficult to 
know his thoughts and his feelings. He was success- 
ful in battle as well as in his deception of the enemy. 
In many respects he was the opposite of Bolivar. 

In 1817 San Martin had 4,000 soldiers in Mendoza 
ready to invade Chile, where the insurgent armies 
had been defeated in Rancagua by a Spanish army 



BOMBONA AND PICHINCHA 159 

sent from Peru. The remnants of the Chilean pa- 
triots dispersed, and some of them, crossed the Andes 
and presented themselves to San Martin in the city of 
Mendoza. He received some and rejected others. 
Among the former was D. Bernardo 'Higgins, upon 
whose loyalty San Martin was certain he could de- 
pend. 

San Martin crossed the Andes, and defeated the 
Spaniards at Chacabuco. Later, he fought the de- 
cisive battle of Maipo, passing then to Santiago, where 
he was proclaimed director of the state, from which 
position he immediately resigned, using all his in- 
fluence to have O 'Higgins appointed in his stead, 
which was done. 'Higgins was an honest man and 
an excellent administrator. He immediately appointed 
San Martin general-in-chief of the army, and together 
they planned the invasion of Peru by sea. 

With the help of Admiral Cochrane, San Martin 
reached the shores of Peru, where he landed. After 
some delay, due to the desire to enlist public opinion 
in the cause of independence, he took the city of Lima 
on July 8, 1821, and was appointed Protector of 
Peru. He wished to unite Guayaquil and Peru, in 
which plan he was opposed by Bolivar. 

Guayaquil had declared itself independent of Spain 
in October, 1820. "We have seen that Sucre was sent 
there by Bolivar because that section had not been 
included in the armistice agreed to with Morillo in 
Santa Ana. In Guayaquil there were three parties, 



160 SIMON BOLIVAR 

one on the side of Peru, one on the side of Colombia, 
and a third which desired the independence of that 
section. There were several movements in favor of 
and against these conflicting views, when Bolivar sent 
messages to Sucre, O'Higgins, San Martin, and other 
prominent men, in an endeavor to form a combination 
to bring about an early and successful end to the war 
for independence. In all the difficulties of Guayaquil, 
Sucre displayed exceptional prudence and tact, but 
when he was obliged to leave the city in order to draw 
to himself the attention of the Spaniards and thus 
facilitate the movement of Bolivar against Pasto, the 
intrigues increased, and Bolivar had to intervene, 
sending a message to the Junta of Guayaquil, asking 
them to recognize the union of Guayaquil and Colom- 
bia. San Martin was on the point of declaring war 
on Colombia, a fatal step which was prevented by the 
pressure of other more urgent matters, and perhaps 
because the victories of Bombona and Pichincha were 
too recent to encourage any disregard of the con- 
querors. 

As soon as Bolivar arrived in Quito, he decided to 
go to Guayaquil to take the situation in hand. He 
arrived on July 11, and was received in triumph, 
his presence producing a decided effect in favor of 
the union with Colombia. He published a proclama- 
tion inviting expressions of popular opinion as to 
union, and was waiting for the day on which the 
representatives of the province were to meet, when 



BOMBONA AND PICHINCHA 161 

General San Martin appeared in the city, surprising 
everybody, for, although he had sent Bolivar a letter 
notifying him of his intended visit, Bolivar had not 
received it. He was most cordially received by the 
Liberator, who, in a previous communication, had 
declared his friendship for the Protector of Peru. 
San Martin landed on the 26th of July, and that night 
had a long personal conference with Bolivar, concern- 
ing which opinions varied. There were no witnesses 
of that interview. It is certain that the men discussed 
the union of Guayaquil, and the conflicting ideas of 
both leaders. Again the intellectual superiority of 
Bolivar was evident. One thing, however, is known: 
forty hours after ]anding in Guayaquil, the Protector 
left the city and went to Peru, where he resigned his 
position and then sailed for Chile, whence he went to 
the Argentine Republic. Later, he proceeded to Eu- 
rope, where he died in the middle of the century, a 
great man, the victim of the ingratitude of his fellow 
citizens, always modest and reserved, and, in many 
respects, an unsolved mystery. He harbored no re- 
sentment towards Bolivar. When he arrived in Cal- 
lao after the interview, the papers published the fol- 
lowing words over his name: 

"The 26th of last July, when I had the satis- 
faction of embracing the Hero of the South, was 
one of the happiest days of my life. The Liber- 
ator of Colombia is not only helping this state 
with three of his brave battalions, united to the 



162 sim6n bolivar 

valiant division of Peru under the command of 
General Santa Cruz, to put an end to the war in 
America, but he is also sending a considerable 
number of arms for the same purpose. Let us 
all pay the homage of our eternal gratitude to 
the immortal Bolivar." 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Junin, a Battle of Centaurs. The Continent's Free- 
dom Sealed in Ayacucho 

(1822-1824) 

After the victories of Bombona and Pichincha, 
Bolivar again evidenced his disinterestedness and his 
generosity in praising his officers. He reiterated his 
desire to resign his power. He expressed in a letter 
the need he felt for rest, and a belief that a period 
of repose might restore his former energy, which he 
felt slipping away from him. 

"Writing to a friend about Iturbide, he said: 

"You must be aware that Iturbide made him- 
self emperor . through the grace of Pio, first ser- 
geant. 1 ... I am very much afraid that the 
four boards covered with crimson, and which are 
termed a throne, cause the shedding of more 
blood and tears and give more cares than rest. 
. . . Some believe that it is very easy to put 
upon one's head a crown and have all adore it; 
But I believe that the period of monarchy is pass- 
ing, and that thrones will not be up-to-date in 
public opinion until the corruption of men chokes 
love of freedom." 



i Agustin de Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor of Mexico as 
the result of a mutiny led in Mexico City by a sergeant called 
Pio Marcha. 



164 sim6n bolivar 

Kegarding the battle of Piehincha, he said: 
' ; Sucre is the Liberator of Ecuador." 

No better praise could be given his worthy lieutenant. 

Once in Quito, he received the alarming news from 
Peru, which province had been left by San Martin, 
that several serious defeats had been suffered by the 
independents. He immediately made ready to free 
the viceroyalty from Spain, realizing that while Peru 
remained under Spain the independence of Colombia 
would be in danger. The viceroy of Peru had 23,000 
European soldiers and all the resources necessary to 
carry on war. 

Peru was the last South American country to pro- 
claim its independence. Although there had been 
some movements of insurrection in 1809 in Alto Peru 
(now Bolivia), they were soon quelled and the coun- 
try once more placed under the dominion of Spain. 
As a result, Peru was in position to send reinforce- 
ments to the royalists in Chile and was a constant 
menace to Colombia. The patriots of Chile, after 
obtaining their freedom, organized San Martin's ex- 
pedition to invade Peru. When San Martin entered 
Lima early in July, 1821, the viceroy (Pezuela) was 
deposed by an assembly, and Laserna was appointed 
to take his place. Once in Lima, San Martin entered 
upon a period of inactivity which resulted in heavy 
losses to the independents. He was even ready to 
communicate with the Spaniards in order to arrange 



JUNIN AND AYACUCHO 165 

for the establishment of a regency in Peru, awaiting 
the arrival of a European prince to govern the coun- 
try. He even appeared ready to go to Spain, him- 
self, to beg for a prince. 

The viceroy established his residence in Cuzco, the 
old capital of the Incas, and the Spanish officers ob- 
tained several partial victories. 

The defeats of the independent forces brought about 
the dissolution of a junta which had taken charge of 
the government. At that time, Bolivar decided to in- 
tervene to help Peru gain her independence. He de- 
cided to send 3,000 men at once and to follow himself 
with 3,000 more to undertake this last part of his 
important work. As we have said, his decision in this 
matter was based, among other things, on the realiza- 
tion that the freedom of Colombia was in constant 
danger while the royalists occupied Peru. While 
making preparations for the campaign, he received 
news from Santander, the vice-president of Colombia, 
that the Spanish general, Morales, was advancing from 
Merida to Cticuta with a powerful army. He decided 
to send Sucre to Lima to handle the situation there 
and to go, himself, to Bogota to defend his own coun- 
try. He would have been unable to go to Lima im- 
mediately anyway, for he had not yet obtained per- 
mission from the Colombian government to do so. On 
his way to Bogota he learned that the reports of the 
movements of Morales were very much exaggerated 
and that his forces were not so large as at first thought. 



166 sim6n bolivar 

Meanwhile, the Peruvians were insisting that Bolivar 
come to assist them, and the Constitutional Congress 
of Peru even instructed the President to ask the Liber- 
tador Presidente to inform his home government that 
the government of Peru ardently besought him to 
lend his assistance. Aware of the inefficient organiza- 
tion of the Peruvian forces, Bolivar strongly advised 
that attacks should not be made at once in order to 
see whether negotiations could bring about the desired 
results, or to allow time in which to improve the con- 
dition of the army. He argued that no movement 
should be made until it was certain that independence 
could be gained only through the success of arms. 

"While Bolivar was still undecided, a powerful royal- 
ist army approached Lima, and the insurgents had to 
leave the capital and take shelter in the near-by port 
of Callao. Sucre, to whom the command of the united 
army had been offered, but who had not accepted this 
commission, directed the retreat. In Callao he as- 
sumed power, organized the insurgents of the city, and 
undertook other military operations. The royalists 
remained in Lima for a short while only, and then 
their opponents reoccupied the city. 

Once more Bolivar was obliged to leave Guayaquil, 
this time to go to Quito to defend the city against the 
pastusos, who had again rebelled. After punishing 
them, he sent men to the city of Pasto to finish the 
work of pacification, and he returned to Guayaquil in 
January, 1823, where he was met by a commission 



JUNIN AND AYACUCHO 167 

sent from Peru to insist upon his taking command of 
the Peruvians. Upon receipt of authorization from 
the Colombian government, he proceeded to Callao, 
where he arrived on the first of September, 1823. Con- 
gress conferred upon Bolivar the title of Libertador, 
and placed in his hands supreme military authority 
over all the forces of the country. In order to insure 
close cooperation between the civil administration and 
the military operations, he was vested with political 
and executive authority. Bolivar accepted these pow- 
ers with great modesty, and remarked : 

"I do for Peru more than my ability permits, 
because I count upon the efforts of my generous 
fellows-in-arms. The wisdom of Congress will 
give me light in the midst of the chaos, difficulties 
and dangers in which I see myself. ... I 
left the capital of Colombia, avoiding the respon- 
sibilities of civil government. My repugnance to 
work in governmental affairs is beyond all ex- 
aggeration, so I have resigned forever from civil 
power so far as it is not closely connected with 
military opertaions. The Congress of Peru may 
count, nevertheless, on all the strength of Colom- 
bian arms to give the country unlimited freedom. 
By protecting national representation I have done 
for Perri the greatest service a man could do for 
a nation." 

There were elaborate festivities in honor of Bolivar, 
and his moderation, as well as his other personal 
qualifications, was recognized and admired. General 
'Higgins of Chile was present on that occasion. At 



168 sim6n bolivar 

one of the banquets, Bolivar proposed a toast voicing 
the hope that the children of America might never see 
a throne raised in any of its territories, and that, as 
Napoleon was exiled in the middle of the ocean, and 
the new emperor, Iturbide, thrown out of Mexico, all 
usurpers of the rights of the people might fall, and 
that not one of them might remain throughout the 
New World. 

Bolivar had many difficulties to overcome in the 
work of organizing the elements of the country for 
the final struggle. Peruvians had not been hardened 
by constant fighting as had Venezuelans and New 
Granadians, and although they were patriotic and 
anxious to obtain their freedom, yet they lacked the 
ardor that only Bolivar knew how to kindle in men's 
hearts. He decided to hasten the advance of the 
Colombian reinforcements, knowing that he could trust 
them to form a strong nucleus around which he could 
organize the Peruvian campaign. In the midst of his 
incessant work, he would say: 

"We must conquer or die! And we will con- 
quer, for Heaven does not want us in chains. ' ' 

In January, 1824, Bolivar became very ill with 
fever. Before he had fully recovered he began to 
direct the preparations for the campaign, and while 
convalescing displayed remarkable energy in his work. 1 



i When he was still very weak, sitting ghost-like in an arm- 
chair, his friend don Joaquin Mosquera, who had been his am- 
bassador to the countries of the South, asked him, "And now, 
what are you going to do?" "To conquer," answered Bolivar. 



JUNIN AND AYACUCHO 169 

At times, though, he showed some signs of discourage- 
ment. He had already said he felt that his energy 
was diminishing, and in a letter to General Sucre he 
wrote : 

''I am ready to meet the Spaniards in a battle 
to end war in America, but nothing more. I feel 
tired, I am old, and I have nothing to expect." 

He had something to expect : the last and final vic- 
tories, and then the ingratitude of his fellow citizens. 
Perhaps at that time he was beginning to feel the ad- 
vances of the illness which caused his death. 2 

Then an event occurred which almost destroyed all 
of Bolivar's well-made plans. Some troops sent from 
the River Plata started a rebellion in Callao, and, be- 
fore anything could be done to correct the situation, 
the Spanish flag was hoisted over the fortress and 
messages had been sent to the viceroy offering to de- 
liver the city. Laserna sent General Rodil, appoint- 
ing him governor and military commander of the prov- 
ince of Lima, arid placing him in full command of 
the fortress and the treacherous soldiers. This was 
a severe loss for the republican cause. Congress at 
once suspended the constitution and the law and ap- 
pointed Bolivar dictator, for it realized that he was 
the only man to cope with the situation. The royalist 
army had 18,000 men, 12,000 to fight Bolivar, who 
was then in the city of Trujillo, and 6,000 to keep 
Upper Peru (now Bolivia) and the southern coast, 



2 Tuberculosis. 



170 SIMON BOLIVAR 

subject to Spain. Bolivar had from 4,000 to 6,000 
Colombians and about 4,000 Peruvians, all in poor 
condition. He gathered all the resources available in 
Lima, but desertion and treachery had left very little 
of use. At that time, to be disloyal was a fashionable 
thing for the insurgents of Lima. However, Bolivar 
would not despair. In a letter written at that time, 
he said : 

' • This year will not come to a close without our 
having gained Potosf. ' ' 

His chief hope had been in the army of Colombia; 
but, while in Trujillo, he learned that the government 
of Colombia would not send any troops or resources 
without express authorization from Congress, wliich 
meant a long delay. Meanwhile, the Spaniards under 
command of Canterac were advancing against Tru- 
jillo. Bolivar set to work again with that feverish 
activity which seemed to enable him to create, every- 
thing from nothing — men, uniforms, arms, horses, even 
horseshoes. The smallest detail, near or at a distance, 
was the object of his care, and he attended to every- 
thing with that precision and accuracy which form a 
great proportion of what we call genius. 

The city of Pasco was selected by Bolivar as the 
meeting place of all the independent forces, and the 
month of May chosen for the general movement. In 
June the Andes were crossed, and on August 2nd, the 
army was assembled on the plain of Sacramento, near 



JUNIN AND ATACUCHO 171 

Pasco. There he arranged his soldiers for battle and 
decided to attack on the 6th the royalists, who were 
near by. Canterac was approaching with an army of 
9,000, of which 2,000 were cavalrymen. 

On August 6, 1824, at four o 'clock in the afternoon, 
the two armies met on the plain of Junin, near the lake 
of that name, the source of the Amazonas. This bat- 
tle was one of cavalry only, and was in appearance 
and in results one of the most terrible. Throughout 
the whole combat not one shot was fired. Only the 
horsemen fought, but the defeated royalist cavalry on 
retreat, drew the infantry with them. The battle of 
Junin ranked in importance with those of Boyaca, 
Carabobo and Bombona, as well as that of Pichincha, 
and had a marked effect on the ultimate success of the 
Peruvian campaign. The morale of the royalists was 
destroyed. Canterac, in his retreat, was forced to 
cover 450 miles of very rough country, and lost a large 
part of his army. 

A festivity following this success was the occasion 
of generous words exchanged between the victor of 
Bomboua and the conqueror of Pichincha. Sucre said : 

"Led by the Liberator, we can expect nothing 
but victory ! ' ' 

to which Bolivar answered : 

"To know that I will conquer, it is enough to 
know who are around me. ' ' 



172 SIMON BOLIVAR 

At another time, Bolivar reiterated his feelings in the 
following way: 

"Let the valiant swords of those who surround 
me pierce my breast a thousand times if at any 
time I oppress the countries I now lead to free- 
dom ! Let the authority of the people be the only 
existing power on earth! Let the name of tyr- 
anny be obliterated from the language of the 
world and even forgotten!" 

Bolivar then left the army in the command of Sucre 
and departed for the seaboard, to continue his work of 
organization. 

The royalists had left Lima as soon as they learned 
of the defeat of Junin. Kodil was in the fortress at 
Callao. The viceroy in Cuzco gathered all the soldiers 
he could, forming an army of 11,000 men, and started 
out to avenge the defeat of Junin. 

On December 9, 1824, the two armies met on the 
plain of Ayacucho, and at noon began the final battle 
of the Wars of Independence on the American con- 
tinent. At first the Spaniards had some success. Then 
General Cordova of the army of Sucre, jumped from 
his horse, killed it with his saber, and exclaimed to 
his soldiers : " I do not want any means of escape. 
I am merely keeping my sword to conquer. Forward, 
march of conquerors ! ' ' The royalists could not resist 
Cordova. They put all their reserves into action, but 
the soldiers of the independent army were determined 
to triumph, and Cordova, himself, had the glory of 



JUNIN AND ATACUCHO 173 

taking the viceroy prisoner. It is said that in the 
afternoon of that day the insurgents were fewer in 
number than their prisoners. A capitulation was pro- 
posed and was accepted, Canterac signing on account 
of the capture of the viceroy. The generals and offi- 
cers promised not to fight any more in the War of 
Independence nor to go to any place occupied by 
royalists. Callao was included in the capitulation, but 
Rodil did not accept. 

Bolivar possessed the virtue of creating heroes by his 
side : Anzoategui in Boyaca ; Paez in Carabobo ; Tor- 
res in Bombona, ; Sucre, commander-in-chief in Pichin- 
cha and Ayacucho; and Cordova, under Sucre's com- 
mand, in the last fight for independence. 

The War of Independence of Latin America began 
in Caracas on April 19, 1810, and. ended in Ayacucho 
on December 9, 1824. Writing about this battle, Boli- 
var said : 

" ' The battle of Ayacucho is the greatest Amer- 
ican glory and is the work of General Sucre. Its 
arrangement was perfect; its execution super- 
human. Swift and clever maneuvers destroyed 
in one hour the victors of fourteen years, and an 
enemy perfectly organized and ably commanded. ' ' 

He conferred the highest honors on Sucre, and be- 
stowed the titles of Grand Marshal and General, 
Liberator of Peru, on him. In a letter to Sucre, he 
wrote: 



174 sim6n bolivar 

' 'The ninth of December, 1824, when you tri- 
umphed over the foe of independence, will be 
remembered by countless generations, who will 
always bless the patriot and warrior who made 
that day famous in the annals of America. So 
long as Ayacucho is remembered, the name of 
Sucre will be remembered. It will last forever. ' ' 

The battle of Ayacucho practically put an end to 
the War of Independence of America, which began 
with the battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Bolivia's Birth. Bolivar's Triumph. The Monarchi- 
cal Idea. From Honors to Bitterness 

(1825-1827) 

Immediately after Ayacucho, Bolivar ordered the 
cessation of conscription and called a constitutional 
convention for February 8, 1825. 

"The deplorable circumstances which forced 
Congress to create the extraordinary office of dic- 
tatorship have disappeared," he said, "and the 
Republic is now able to constitute and organize 
itself as it will. ' ' 

Passing from national interests to his great idea of 
American union, he issued a circular to all the govern- 
ments of the continent to carry into practice the as- 
sembly of plenipotentiaries of Latin America. 

"It is now time," he wrote, "that the common 
interests uniting the American republics had a 
fundamental basis to make permanent the dura- 
tion of their governments, if possible. The task of 
establishing this system and affirming the power 
of this great political body must rest upon that 
lofty authority which may direct the policies of 
our governments and keep their principles of con- 
duct uniform, an authority whose name alone will 
calm our storms. So respectable an authority can 



176 sim6n bolivar 

exist only in an assembly of plenipotentiaries, 
designated by each one of our republics and 
united under the auspices of the victory obtained 
by our armies against the Spanish government. 
. . . The day when our plenipotentiaries ex- 
change their powers will start an immortal epoch 
in the diplomatic history of America. When, 
after one hundred centuries, posterity seeks the 
beginning of our international law, it will remem- 
ber the agreements which affirmed its destiny and 
will gaze with respect upon the conventions of 
the Isthmus. And then it will find the plan of 
the first alliances showing the course of our rela- 
tions with the world. What will the Isthmus of 
Corinth then be, compared with the Isthmus of 
Panama?" 

Bolivar now sent his resignation to Colombia, stat- 
ing that since he had fulfilled his mission and there 
were no more enemies in America, it was time to carry 
out his promise. At this very time he was beginning 
to be attacked by his enemies as an ambitious man 
who desired monarchial power ! These attacks, it was 
clear to him, would become more numerous, and even 
foreigners would take part in the abuses. But there 
does not now exist one document which warrants a 
single accusation against Bolivar for immoderate as- 
pirations. 

When the War of Independence had practically 
come to a close Kodil was holding Callao, and Upper 
Peru was still in the hands of the Spanish. Sucre 
undertook to remedy this situation while Bolivar at- 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 177 

tended to the convening of the constitutional congress 
in Peru. The Liberator remarked how dangerous it 
was "to put into the hands of any one man a mon- 
strous authority which could not be placed without 
danger into the hands of Apollo himself." Speaking 
to the delegates he said he desired 

' ' to compliment the people because they have been 
freed of that which is most dreadful in the world, 
war, through the victory of Ayacucho, and des- 
potism, through my resignation. Proscribe for- 
ever, I pray you, such enormous authority, which 
was the doom of Rome. It was praiseworthy, un- 
doubtedly, for Congress, in order to pass through 
the abyss and face terrific storms, to substitute 
the bayonets of the liberating army for its laws, 
but now that the country has secured domestic 
peace and political freedom, it should permit no 
rale but the rule of law. ' ' 

The Peruvians insisted that Bolivar should retain 
the power, and passed a decree conferring it on him, 
without, however, calling him dictator, so as to respect 
his will. On the same day a decree ordered several 
honors to be paid him and also that one million pesos 
(about $1,000,000) be distributed among the officers 
and soldiers of the liberating army, and that another 
million pesos be placed in the hands of the Liberator 
as a token of gratitude of the country. 

Bolivar was very much moved, and, to a certain 
extent, hurt by this pecuniary reward. He declined 
to accept in the following words: 



178 SIMON BOLIVAR 

"I have never wanted to accept, even from my 
own country, any reward of this kind. It would 
be a monstrous incongruity if I should receive 
from the hands of Peru that which I refused to 
receive from the hands of my country. ' ' 

Congress finally asked Bolivar to take the million 
dollars and devote it to charities in his own country 
and other parts of the republic of Colombia. This 
Bolivar agreed to do. 

Bolivar decided to remain in Peru until the conven- 
ing of the following congress, which was to assemble 
in 1826. He immediately bent all his energy to the 
work of government, in which he was, if possible, more 
admirable than he was as a soldier. Among tne sev- 
eral measures of his administrative work was the es- 
tablishment of normal schools in the departments, 
tribunals of justice, several educational institutions, 
mining bureaus, roads, public charities and multitu- 
dinous other services. 

On April 1, 1825, Sucre defeated the last Spanish 
troops in a place called Tumusla. 

Upon the completion of his work, Bolivar started to 
visit Cuzco and Upper Peru. In the city of Arequipa, 
on May 16, he issued a decree proclaiming the republic 
of Alto (Upper) Peru. In Cuzco he was received in 
triumph. A thousand ladies offered him a beautiful 
crown set with pearls and diamonds. The Liberator 
received it and immediately sent it to Marshal Sucre, 
saying : 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 179 

1 ' He is the conqueror of Ayacucho and the true 
liberator of this republic." 

From Cuzco, Bolivar went to La Paz, and there he 
was received in like manner. The assembly of Alto 
Peru sent representatives to meet him. The country 
had received the name of Republica Bolivar (now Boli- 
via). From there he went to Potosi, where he re- 
mained several weeks, accepting the homage and grati- 
tude of the people. There he received several mem- 
bers of the diplomatic corps and a committee sent by 
the government of Buenos Aires with the purpose of 
complimenting him for the services he had rendered 
to the cause of South American independence which, 
as they said, Bolivar had made secure forever. 

He gave Bolivia its first political organization, ap- 
plying his favorite ideas about the distribution of 
powers. Here he repeated what he had done every- 
where when in command. He established educational 
institutions; ordered that the rivers be examined in 
order to study the feasibility of changing their courses 
so as to furnish water to arid and sterile areas; dis- 
tributed land among the Indians; suppressed the 
duties on mining machinery; ordered the planting of 
trees, and showed in a thousand ways his untiring 
energy, all the while keeping in active diplomatic cor- 
respondence and in constant communication with his 
friends and civil officers, in order to give instructions 
in detail. He issued orders from Chuquisaca to have 
thjB Venezuelan soldiers sent back to their country 



180 SIMON BOLIVAR 

from Peru. He even went so far as to entertain 
thoughts of the independence of Cuba and Porto Rico. 

In January, 1826, he left Chuquisaca for the coast 
and from there he sailed for Peru, and a month later 
reached Lima, where he rendered an account of what 
he had done in Upper Peru and in the South. By 
that time the last stronghold of the Spaniards, Callao, 
had fallen into the hands of the Venezuelan general, 
Bartolome Salom, a very distinguished officer who had 
played a remarkable role under Bolivar during the 
War of Independence. The resistance of Rodil in 
Callao is one of the best examples of Spanish bravery. 
Rodil was a rough soldier, and often harsh and cruel 
in his measures. In spite of hunger, illness and losses, 
he remained in Callao for almost eleven months, not 
surrendering until January 23, 1826 ; he and his men 
were the last representatives of the Spanish power to 
leave the continent. 

As soon as everything was well organized in Peru, 
Bolivar made ready to return to Colombia. At that 
time some imprudent friends tried to convince him 
that it was to the best interest of the now independent 
countries that he should be made emperor of the 
Andes, which covered Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. 
From Caracas, Paez proposed that he should return to 
Colombia and set up a monarchy. Bolivar steadfastly 
refused to listen to any of these seductions. To Paez 
he wrote : 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 181 

' ' France had always been a kingdom. The re- 
publican government discredited itself and be- 
came more and more debased until it fell into an 
abyss of hate. The ministers who led France 
were equally cruel and inept. Napoleon was 
great, singular, and, besides that, extremely am- 
bitious. Nothing of the kind exists here. I am 
not Napoleon, nor do I wish to be; neither do I 
want to imitate Caesar, and still less Iturbide. 
. . . The magistrates of Colombia are neither 
Robespierre nor Marat. . . . Colombia has 
never been a kingdom. A throne would produce 
terror on account of its height as well as on ac- 
count of its glamour." 

To all his friends he declared his decided opposition 
to the monarchical idea. In another letter, addressed 
to vice-president Santander, he wrote: 

"I have fulfilled all my obligations, for I have 
done my duty as a soldier, the only profession 
which I have followed since the first day of the 
Republic. ... I was not born to be a magis- 
trate. . . . Even if a soldier saves his coun- 
try, he rarely proves a good executive. . . . 
You, only, are a glorious exception to this rule." 

One of the greatest rewards for his ambition, the 
one he valued the most throughout the rest of his life, 
was received at that time. It consisted of Washing- 
ton's picture and a lock of his hair, sent as a present 
by Washington's family from Mount Vernon through 
General Lafayette. In his letter to Bolivar, Lafayette 
said: 



182 SIMON BOLIVAR 

"My religious and filial devotion to General 
Washington could not be better recognized by his 
family than by honoring me with the commission 
they have entrusted to me. ... Of all men 
living, and even of all men in history, Bolivar is 
the very one to whom my paternal friend would 
have preferred to send this present. What else 
can I say to the great citizen whom South America 
has honored with the name of Liberator, con- 
firmed in him by two worlds, a man endowed with 
an influence equal to his self-denial, who carries 
in his heart the sole love of freedom and of the 
republic ? ' ' 

Bolivar answered: 

"There are no words with which I can express 
how my heart appreciates this gift. 
Washington 's family honors me beyond my great- 
est hopes, because Washington's gift presented by 
Lafayette is the crown of all human rewards." 1 

While yet aglow with the great satisfaction he de- 
rived from this episode, Bolivar was annoyed again by 
the movement to make him accept a crown. Some- 
thing still worse occurred at this time. In 1826 trou- 
ble broke out in Venezuela because of the activities of 
Paez. 

We have already mentioned that Venezuela was 
divided into three military districts, governed by Ber- 



i From that time until his death Bolivar preferred to any- 
other decoration, Washington's miniature picture, which often 
he wore on his breast. Venezuela keeps with veneration this 
sacred relic in the Museo Boliviano of Caracas. 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 183 

mudez, Marino and Paez. These three men had been 
at times hostile to Bolivar, and, in order to satisfy 
their ambitions, he had placed them in high com- 
mands. Paez was stationed in Caracas, where his 
arbitrary rule was resented by the people. He in- 
trigued against the vice-president, Santander, execut- 
ing his commands in such a way as to produce ill-will, 
especially an order providing for the recruiting of 
soldiers in Venezeula, which because of the manner of 
its execution, caused much protest and resulted in 
complaints to the House of Kepresentatives against 
Paez. The House endorsed the accusation and sub- 
mitted it to the Senate, which suspended Paez from 
his post and summoned him to the capital. Paez re- 
fused to appear, but at last was obliged to leave his 
command and retire to Valencia as a private citizen. 
Once there, he instigated all sorts of disturbances, and 
succeeded in creating an appearance of popular clamor 
for his reinstatement in command of the department 
in order to avoid anarchy. In this he was helped by 
his friends and partisans. A faction asked him to ac- 
cept the military command of the department, and 
Paez, supported by the municipal council of Valencia, 
did so in disobedience to Congress. He adopted the 
title of Military and Civil Chief of Venezuela. He 
succeeded in enlisting the support of Marino, but not 
that of Bermudez, in spite of all his flattering propo- 
sitions. Thus started the endless chain of civil revo- 
lutions in independent Latin America. 



184 sim6n bolivar 

Santander wrote to the Libertador asking Mm to 
help save the country from revolution. Paez also sent 
a communication to him, in which he complained 
against vice-president Santander. Bolivar decided to 
return at once to his country, but he met with strong 
opposition on the part of the Peruvian authorities and 
people. After some hesitation, he concluded to re- 
turn home, thus ending the period which marks the 
height of his popularity. Soon his glory was to be 
tarnished by ingratitude. He departed from Peru 
never to return. "Whatever remains of that life is 



sorrow, 



"i 



On the way to his country, Bolivar found that the 
southern provinces of Colombia wanted him to be dic- 
tator, but he declared that it was his desire that the 
constitutional regime should continue. He sent a 
proclamation to the Colombians, once more offering 
his services as a brother. 

"I do not want to know," he said, "who is at 
fault. I have never forgotten that you are my 
brothers-in-blood and my fellow soldiers. . . . 
Let there be no more Cundinamarca ; let us all be 
Colombians, or death will cover the deserts left by 
anarchy. ' ' 

He crossed at the foot of the lofty Chimborazo and 
arrived in Quito, where he was again received with 
rejoicing, as he had been in all the towns on his way 



i Bolivar— J. E. Eod6. 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 185 

home ; and again he was urged to assume dictatorship. 
This he steadfastly refused to do. In the middle of 
November he arrived in Bogota, where he exhorted the 
people to union and concord. He expressed much 
satisfaction at the obedience to law on the part of the 
army, "because if the armed force deliberates, free- 
dom will be in danger, and the mighty sacrifices of 
Colombia will be lost." For two days only he exer- 
cised the executive power, but those days were suffi- 
cient to deepen the impression he had left as a great 
organizer. He then continued on his way to Vene- 
zuela, learning that Paez, who was openly opposed to 
the most cherished ideas of Bolivar, had convoked a 
Venezuelan constitutional congress to meet in Valencia 
on the 15th day of January, 1827. Appreciating the 
type of man he was to face, Bolivar gathered a small 
army, to be prepared for contingencies. On his way 
he learned that Puerto Cabello, which had declared it- 
self in favor of union, had been attacked by Paez and 
that Venezuelan blood had been shed. Upon his ar- 
rival at Maracaibo, he published a proclamation, re- 
solved to make every effort at persuasion before resort- 
ing to the sword. Paez had declared that Bolivar was 
coming to Venezuela as a citizen to help with his 
advice and experience to perfect the work of reform. 
From Coro, the Libertador wrote him, attempting to 
convince him that his conduct was criminal and mak- 
ing him flattering offers if he would desist. "When the 
people of Caracas learned that Bolivar was approach- 



186 sim6n bolivar 

ing, a reaction took place, to such an extent that Paez 
became frightened. Some of the population openly 
declared themselves in Bolivar's favor. 

On the last day of 1826, Bolivar's mind passed 
through a crisis in an effort to decide what steps 
would best reduce Paez to obedience, and, if possible, 
avoid bloodshed. On the following day, the first of 
1827, he issued a decree, by virtue of his extraordinary 
powers, granting an armistice to all those who had 
taken part in the so-called reform movement, and or- 
dering that his authority as President of the Republic 
be recognized and obeyed. He also offered to convoke 
a national convention. Paez hesitated no longer; he 
acknowledged the authority of Bolivar as President, 
annulled the decree convoking a congress, and ordered 
that the President should be honored in all the towns 
from Coro to Caracas. From Puerto Cabello, Bolivar 
issued a beautiful proclamation in which he said : 

"There are no longer any enemies at home. 
. . . Today peace triumphs. . . . Let us 
drown in the abyss of time the year 1826. . . . 
I have not known what has happened. Colom- 
bians, forget whatever you know of the days of 
sorrow. ' ' 

Paez humiliated himself to the point of asking that 
he be tried, but Bolivar would not permit it. He 
even praised Paez for his self-denial, going so far in 
his generosity as to call him savior of the country. 
This generosity was censured, especially by the people 



Bolivia's birth — from honors to bitterness 187 

of Nueva Granada, and was considered a weakness on 
the part of Bolivar. It was thought to be an indica- 
tion that he feared his authority would not be suffi- 
ciently strong to carry him through the dangerous 
business of disciplining a man with so large a follow- 
ing as Paez. But this was not so. Bolivar had, upon 
the occasion of Piar 's treachery, shown himself capable 
of decisive, if difficult action; but his preference was 
always for justice tempered with mercy. That he 
felt no weakening in personal power is shown by the 
following incident: At a banquet where Paez and 
his partisans formed the great majority of those 
present, a man started a debate which gave Bolivar 
opportunity to make very energetic declarations, and 
even to utter the following words : 

' • Here is no other authority and no other power 
than mine. Among all my lieutenants I am like 
the sun ; if they shine it is because of the light I 
lend them." 

Silence followed these words; everybody, including 
Paez, realized that Bolivar could make himself re- 
spected whenever he wished. 

His reception in Caracas surpassed any one that 
Bolivar had ever been given. He could not walk 
because of the crowd. He had to listen to addresses, 
hymns and eulogies, receive crowns, attend banquets 
and accept all kinds of homage. His modesty was 
recognized by an inscription on one of the banquet 
tables : "To conquer in the field of battle may be the 



188 sim6n bolivar 

work of fortune ; to conquer the pride of victory is the 
work of the conqueror." Paez, who had been pre- 
sented a sword by Bolivar, expressed his gratitude in 
the warmest terms, and pledged himself to the service 
of his fellow citizens. 

' ' I should rather die a hundred times, ' ' he said, 
' ' and lose every drop of my blood than to permit 
this sword to leave my hand, or ever attempt to 
shed the blood which up to now it has set free. 
. . . Bolivar's sword is in my hands. For you 
and for him I shall go with it to eternity. This 
oath is inviolable." 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Convention of Ocafia. Full Powers. 
An Attempt at Murder 

(1828) 

It was Bolivar's fortune to dispel the effect of evil 
with his presence, but in his absence evil was certain 
to raise its head. "While he triumphed in Caracas, he 
was being severely criticised in Bogota, even by San- 
tander. His generosity with regard to Paez irritated 
the people of Nueva Granada to the extreme. 

When Congress convened, Bolivar tendered his resig- 
nation, as usual, but this time he insisted still more. 
"For fourteen years," he wrote, "I have been Su- 
preme Chief and President of the Republic. Danger 
forced me to accept this duty. Now that the danger 
has passed, I may retire to enjoy private life." The 
rest of his communication evidenced the sincerity of 
his desires and his modesty. He finished with these 
words : "I implore of Congress and of the people the 
grace to be permitted to resume my simple citizen- 
ship." 

In spite of the resignation, intrigues continued in 
Nueva Granada, and the separatist feeling grew 
stronger and stronger in that country and in Vene- 
zuela. Through the separation of Nueva Granada, 



190 sim6n bolivar 

Bolivar's enemies in that nation saw a way to get rid 
of him without displaying their enmity, since, being a 
citizen of Venezuela, Bolivar could not be president of 
Nueva Granada. Paez and his partisans, on their 
side, did not want to have Santander in authority, 
because Santander was not a native of Venezuela. The 
situation was made more complicated and more serious 
by a rebellion in Lima, followed by another in Guaya- 
quil. Notwithstanding that his resignation had been 
tendered, Bolivar, considering that the union of Co- 
lombia was threatened, immediately started for Bo- 
gota, to take the situation in hand. He resolved to 
sacrifice everything to prevent anarchy from taking 
the place of freedom and mutiny from taking the place 
of law. He left Caracas, his native city, and here 
again he was taking a last farewell. In July he was 
in Cartagena, where the people received him with 
genuine affection. He recalled that it was from here 
he had begun his first quixotic expedition to his coun- 
try in 1812. Fifteen years had elapsed since then, 
and he was again in Cartagena, his great work of re- 
demption fulfilled but now in danger of being de- 
stroyed. 

The steps taken by the Liberator to organize the 
attack against the revolutionists were described by 
Santander and his followers as steps to destroy the 
country and its political freedom. It was publicly 
proposed that Nueva Granada should declare null the 
fundamental convention providing for the union of 



(J5 



// 



V 



BOLIVAR IN 1828 
A sketch from life by Roulin — Museo Boliviano, Caracas, Venezuela. 



CONVENTION OF OCANA — AN ATTEMPT AT MURDER 191 

the country with Venezuela. Santander was ready to 
begin the work of resistance. He was persuaded to be 
prudent, but not before he had given vent to his im- 
moderate anger in ignoble expressions. He went so 
far as to state that war should be declared against 
Bolivar, for, if they were to be deprived of public 
liberty, it would have been better, he said, to remain 
under Spain. Morillo was to him preferable to Boli- 
var. 

Bolivar advanced toward Bogota. Santander en- 
deavored to stop him, sending him word that the army 
was not necessary since constitutional order had been 
reestablished in Guayaquil. Bolivar knew better, and 
continued his advance. On the 10th day of Septem- 
ber he arrived in Bogota, was received by the Con- 
gress, took the oath of office and delivered an address 
in which he offered to govern according to the consti- 
tution, in order to keep Colombia free and united until 
the meeting of the national convention. Santander 
greeted Bolivar formally. They had a long conversa- 
tion in which the Liberator showed unbounded gener- 
osity. 

Congress had entire confidence in Bolivar. It ap- 
proved all the steps he had taken and gave him powers 
to execute other measures seemingly necessary to the 
life of the Republic. It also issued a communication 
providing for a general convention in the city of 
Ocafia on the 2nd of March, 1828. This convention 
was the last hope for the reestablishment of the Re- 



192 SIMON BOLIVAR 

public. Bolivar recommended that, in the election of 
representatives, the people select honorable men, pos- 
sessed of intense patriotism and devotion to the inde- 
pendence, union and freedom of Colombia. He sent a 
request to Guayaquil not to leave the Union, and he 
had the satisfaction of learning that a counter revolu- 
tion had put an end to the work of secession in that 
section of the country. Other minor movements were 
soon defeated and an alarm over a reported Spanish 
invasion subsided. 

The convention took place in Oeana, and after the 
work of preparation it formally inaugurated its work 
on April 9th. Among its members were some of Boli- 
var's most bitter enemies, some of his closest friends 
and a group of so-called independents who were ready 
to swing to either side. The convention proved a field 
of discord and of disgraceful disputes. Bolivar ex- 
perienced keen anguish at the thought of the inevit- 
able results of the meeting of that ill-advised group of 
men, and feared that it would lead to anarchy. He 
sent a message in which he exhorted the convention to 
save Colombia from ruin and to give it security and 
tranquillity. He demanded a firm, powerful and just 
government to indemnify her for the loss of 500,000 
men killed in the field of battle. 

"Give us a government under which law is 
obeyed, the magistrate is respected, and the peo- 
ple are free : a government which can prevent the 
transgression of the general will and of the peo- 



CONVENTION OP OCANA — AN ATTEMPT AT MURDER 193 

pie's commands ... In the name of Colom- 
bia, I pray you to give us for the people, for the 
army, for the judge and for the magistrate an 
inexorable government. ' ' 

Bolivar knew that in his appeals for a strong gov- 
ernment his enemies would see, or pretend to see, per- 
sonal ambitions, and Santander, of course, immedi- 
ately exploited this feeling against him. But Bolivar, 
who had proved his disinterestedness when he might 
have had anything he desired, made no effort, at this 
time, when he was trying to rescue his country from 
grave danger, to show that he was not ambitious. 

A large number of petitions were received by the 
general assembly, requesting that Bolivar continue in 
control of the government "as the only man who, be- 
cause of his talents, his exceptional services and his 
powerful influence, can keep Colombia united and 
tranquil." But the convention was agitated by op- 
posing feelings and influences. The federal system 
was proposed, but it was not accepted, although the 
proposal was greeted with joy by the enemies of the 
Liberator. 

Bolivar, at about this time, wrote to a friend : 

"If the constitution to be adopted in Ocana is 
not suitable to the situation in which I see Colom- 
bia, I shall abandon at once a government of 
which I am tired at heart." 

And to his sister he wrote : 



194 SIMON BOLIVAR 

"I have decided to leave for Venezuela, and I 
want you to know this, warning you that I abso- 
lutely do not want you, on your account or on 
mine, to incur the least expense, for you well 
know how poor I am. ' ' 

And this was the man who had been born wealthy, 
who had declined to accept a million dollars from 
Peru, who gave his salary to the needy, who could have 
had all life can give, but who renounced all to devote 
himself to his country ! 

"When the constitution was drafted, Bolivar found 
that it was going to be contrary to his desires, and he 
made ready to return to Venezuela, but was persuaded 
by the insistence of his friends to remain. At last, 
they, fearing the oppression of Santander and his 
followers, left Congress. This destroyed the quorum, 
as other representatives had already resigned. On 
June 11th, they issued a proclamation explaining the 
failure of the Congress, attributing it to the oppression 
by a party which desired a constitution unsuited to 
Colombia, and which overlooked the real facts of the 
situation; and declared that the legal status of the 
country was as follows : 

"The constitution of the year 1811 is in full 
vigor; the laws are in force, and at the head of 
the government is the Libertador Presidente, who 
has the confidence of the nation." 

When Bolivar was informed that the convention had 
adjourned, he wanted to return to the capital and 



CONVENTION OF OCANA — AN ATTEMPT AT MURDER 195 

withdraw from public life. This would have meant 
civil war with no man powerful enough to put an end 
to it. In the emergency an assembly of respectable 
persons met in Bogota and established a Junta, asking 
Bolivar to resume power and to hasten to the capital 
to handle the situation. Bolivar had nothing to do 
but to obey; it was a matter of his own conscience, 
even more than of the demands of the people. 

He had full power in governmental matters, but he 
decided to exercise it with due consultation and only 
during the crisis through which Colombia was passing. 
Bogota received him with unusual enthusiasm. He 
declared publicly that he would always be the cham- 
pion of public liberty. 

''When the people want to deprive me of the 
power and separate me from the command, I shall 
gladly submit to their will and will surrender to 
them my sword, my blood and my life. That is 
the sacred oath I utter before all the principal 
magistrates, and what is more, before all the peo- 
ple." 

In truth, he used his powers with great prudence, 
and devoted his time especially to the reorganization 
of the army and the extinction of privateering, order- 
ing that no more licenses should be issued and that 
those in force should be recalled. 

Memorials to him were drafted in every part of 
Nueva Granada, and even the smallest villages showed 
their unanimous wish that Bolivar should take the 



196 sim6n bolivar 

situation in hand and save the country. Guayaquil 
and Venezuela did the same. It seemed that every- 
thing was settled and that peace was to last forever. 
Bolivar did not use the name of Dictator nor that of 
Supreme Chief, but the one given to him by law, 
Libertador President e. He regulated his own powers, 
created a council of state, ordered that all guarantees 
granted by the constitution of Cticuta be respected, 
and offered to convoke the national representation for 
January 2, 1830, to establish at last the constitution 
of the Eepublic. In papers concerning the constitu- 
tion, he expressed disgust for dictatorship. 

"Under a dictatorship, who can speak of free- 
dom 1 " he said. ' ' Let us feel mutual compassion 
for the people who obey and for the man who 
commands alone." 

He was as generous as ever with his enemies. San- 
tander was appointed minister of Colombia in Wash- 
ington ; and in the appointment of the members of his 
council of state, Bolivar did not hesitate to include 
men who had not shown the least friendship for him, 
if their intellectual achievements or their patriotic 
work warranted the distinction. 

Santander repaid Bolivar's kindness by fostering a 
plot against his life. On the 25th of September, Boli- 
var's palace was attacked by a group of conspirators 
whose object was to murder him. They took the guard 
by surprise, wounding and killing several of its mem- 
bers, and started toward Bolivar's room. The Liber- 



CONVENTION OF OCANA — AN ATTEMPT AT MURDER 197 

ator intended to fight, but was persuaded that it 
would be foolhardy; so he jumped through the win- 
dow to the street and hid for a while. The con- 
spirators, crying, "Death to the tyrant and long life 
to General Santander and the constitution of Cucuta, ' ' 
went in pursuit of him. Colonel "William Ferguson, 
the Liberator's Irish aide-de-camp, seeking his chief 
in order to defend him, was killed. Other men were 
also murdered. The garrison was made ready and 
went to the palace. Finding it abandoned by the con- 
spirators, it assembled in the principal square of the 
city and prepared to defend Bogota. There was 
fighting in several sections, accompanied by much 
sorrow, for it was believed that Bolivar had been 
killed. Bolivar had not been killed, but he would 
have preferred death to the torture which he experi- 
enced at this reward of his eighteen years of service 
in the interest of his country. Seeing some soldiers 
pass discussing the defeat of the mutineers, Bolivar 
joined them and soon presented himself to the gar- 
rison, who received him with tears of joy. 

To make a show of energy, he published a decree de- 
claring that he would assume the powers given to him 
by the people and would use them according to cir- 
cumstances; but this event had depressed him more 
than anything in his life. "I have really been mur- 
dered," he said. The daggers have entered here in 
my heart. Is this the reward for my services to Co- 
lombia and to the independence of America? How 



198 SIMON BOLIVAR 

have I offended freedom and those men? Santander 
has caused all this ; but I will be generous. ' ' 

Several of the conspirators were sentenced to die, 
among them Santander, but Bolivar changed the pen- 
alty to banishment from the country. Santander al- 
ways contended that the sentence of death had been 
unjust. The worst punishment that might have fallen 
upon the would-be-murderers was the unanimous con- 
demnation of all the people. 



CHAPTER XIX 

Difficulties with Peru. Slander and Honors. On the 
Road to Calvary 

(1829-1830) 

The wound received by Bolivar's heart had no pos- 
sible cure. His physical condition was getting worse 
and worse from day to day, but he had to remain in 
power. Serious dangers threatened the country. In 
Bolivia, Sucre, a victim of the conspiracy of Peruvi- 
ans, had been wounded and forced to leave the country 
where he had been in command, but not without show- 
ing his generosity in a message to the Bolivian Con- 
gress, in which he said : 

"Although through foreign instigations I carry- 
broken the arm which in Ayacucho put an end to 
the war of American Independence, which de- 
stroyed the chains of Peru and gave birth to Bo- 
livia, I am comforted, feeling in these difficult cir- 
cumstances that my conscience is free of any 
guilt. . . . My Government has been distin- 
guished by clemency, tolerance and kindness." 

All of this was the naked truth. Peru had invaded 
Bolivia and had attacked Colombia. Bolivar immedi- 
ately organized an expedition, under the command of 
General Jose Maria Cordova, — who distinguished him- 



200 SIMON BOLIVAR 

self in Ayacucho, — and he, himself, prepared to go im- 
mediately. After attending to several matters of an 
administrative character, he started toward the South, 
in spite of his declining health. It was torture for 
him to ride on horseback. He knew that little of life 
remained for him, and still he was going to give his 
last days to the service of his country. He did not 
seek revenge on his enemies then in power in Peru. 
He only wanted to defend the integrity -of Colombia 
against the foreign invader. 

As was his custom, he tried first to settle all diffi- 
culties through negotiation. His aide-de-camp, Colo- 
nel O'Leary, was sent to offer the Liberator's friend- 
ship to Peru, but the Peruvian Government did not 
deign even to answer O'Leary 's communication. In 
January, 1829, the Peruvians obtained some success; 
they occupied Guayaquil and other places with an 
army of over 8,000 men well organized, while the Co- 
lombians numbered only 6,000 men, poorly equipped, 
but commanded by the greatest of all South American 
generals after Bolivar, — Sucre, who was able to inflict 
two defeats on the enemy during the month of Feb- 
ruary, and, after his final victory, offered a capitula- 
tion, which was accepted by the enemy, with the stipu- 
lation that the boundaries between Peru and Colom- 
bia were to be settled by a special commission, and 
that neither of the contracting parties would inter- 
vene in the domestic affairs of the other. The city of 
Guayaquil was to be surrendered to Colombia. The 



ON THE ROAD TO CALVARY 201 

Peruvian army was commanded by La Mar, head of 
the anti-Colombian party of Peru. 

The inhabitants of Pasto had again rebelled against 
Colombia, but they were subdued without bloodshed. 
Upon receiving 1 their submission, Bolivar went to 
Quito, where, after long separation, he met Sucre, and 
found in the loyal friendship of the Great Marshal of 
Ayacucho some comfort in the midst of all the bitter- 
ness which filled his soul. On that occasion, for the 
first time, Bolivar's facility and felicity of language 
failed him, and his tears were the only expression of 
his feelings. He received in Quito a manifesto issued 
by Paez regarding the murderous attempt of the 25th 
of September, once more protesting that he was loyal 
to Bolivar. Again mentioning the sword that his illus- 
trious chief had given him, he said : "In my hands it 
will always be Bolivar's sword, not my own; let his 
will direct it and my arm will carry it. ' ' 

La Mar, on trivial pretexts, did not surrender the 
city of Guayaquil, but undertook the reorganization 
and enlargement of his army. Bolivar prepared him- 
self for new struggles, while in private he did his 
best to have the capitulation fulfilled. Advancing to 
Guayaquil, he succeeded in recovering without a single 
shot the land lost by Colombia, for La Mar had become 
unpopular in Peru on account of this war and was 
deprived of his command and expelled from the coun- 
try. Immediately after his banishment public feeling 
in Peru expressed itself freely in favor of Colombia 



202 SIMON BOLIVAR 

and a friendly arrangement was very easy. La Mar 
died soon after in exile, forgotten by all. 

In Guayaquil, Bolivar's life was in great danger be- 
cause of very serious illness, and his soul was sick of 
the unjust attacks by his enemies. In 1815 the Duke 
of Manchester, governor of Jamaica, had said of him 
that the flame had consumed the oil, but at this time 
it was really true. Yet on August 31st, while barely 
convalescing, he plunged again into activity by issu- 
ing a famous circular asking the people to express 
their opinions freely on the form of government and 
on the constitution to be adopted by the next constitu- 
tional congress. After recovering from that illness he 
went to Quito, where he worked in the reorganization 
of the southern departments, and at the end of Octo- 
ber he left for Bogota. 

Then another man added his bit to the work of Boli- 
var 's enemies. Cordova, tempted by ambition, and 
believing in the necessity for the separation of New 
Granada from Venezuela, claimed that, since Bolivar 
was getting old and had very few days to live, he 
should be deprived of the command. He tried to 
form a combination with Paez, Marino and others. 
Bolivar knew of his actions and talked to him in an 
attempt to win back his friendship. He thought that 
so distinguished a general would hesitate much be- 
fore smirching his glory with ingratitude ; but at the 
bottom of his heart this wound, added to the others 
he had received, pushed him a little farther towards 



ON THE ROAD TO CALVARY 203 

his premature end. Cordova finally raised the flag 
of insurrection, based on the Constitution of Cucuta, 
calling Bolivar the tyrant of the country. He and 
his improvised army were destroyed by O'Leary, and 
he was fatally wounded on the field of battle. He 
was young, rich and endowed with great powers of 
attraction ; he was brave and clever, and his disloyalty 
and insurrection form one of the saddest episodes of 
this part of the history of America. 

It may have been of some comfort to Bolivar that at 
that time a special envoy from France went to Bogota 
to express the esteem of his country for the great man 
of the South. Addressing the Council of Ministers, the 
French envoy, Bresson, voiced the hope of seeing Boli- 
var soon, and of 

' ' expressing to him verbally to what extent Simon 
Bolivar 's name is honored among us. France ad- 
mires in him not only that intrepidity and celerity 
in enterprise, that vision and that constancy which 
are the qualifications of a great general, but pays 
homage to his virtue and to his political talent, 
which are guaranty of independence and order — 
the essentials of the freedom of the country, which 
has placed her destiny in his hands. ' ' 

Europe was unanimous in her admiration for Boli- 
var. In England they also had the highest opinion 
of the American hero. 

"It is impossible," wrote the Secretary of 
Foreign Affairs, Dudley, in March, 1828, to Camp- 



204 SIMON BOLIVAR 

bell, British Charge d 'Affaires in Colombia, "to 
have observed the events which have occurred in 
Colombia and its neighboring provinces since their 
separation from the mother country, without being 
convinced that the merits and services of General 
Bolivar entitle him to the gratitude of his fellow- 
citizens, and to the esteem of foreign nations." 

But this general feeling also gave foundation to 
slanderous affirmations that Bolivar wanted to make 
himself king. We have seen how untrue this was. 
Bolivar had no other ambition than the freedom and 
the union of his country, — Colombia, the child of his 
genius. For himself, he wanted only to keep his honor 
untarnished and to pass his last days as a simple 
citizen. 

During his stay in the South, the Council of 
Ministers started to work for a monarchy. A letter 
was sent to him, not speaking openly of the monarch- 
ical question, but dwelling on the restless condition 
of the population and the need of preparing for the 
future. In answer, Bolivar expressed his agreement 
and, knowing that he could not live much longer, said 
that in order to avoid civil war with its terrible re- 
sults, which he expected to occur within ten years, it 
would be advisable to divide the country by legal and 
peaceable means. He declared that he considered the 
stability of the government impossible because of the 
hostility between Venezuela and Nueva Granda. He 
pronounced himself against a foreign monarch and 



ON THE ROAD TO CALVARY 205 

said that, as for himself, he took it for granted that it 
was understood that he was tired of serving and of 
suffering ingratitude and attempts against his own 
life. He still insisted that, ' ' in case no other solution 
seems feasible, the best way out of the difficulty would 
be a president for life, and a hereditary senate," as 
he had proposed in Guayana. In a letter to 'Leary, 
he wrote: 

"I cannot conceive of even the possibility of 
establishing a kingdom in a country which is con- 
stitutionally democratic because the lowest and 
most numerous classes of the people want it to 
be so, with an indisputable right, since legal equal- 
ity is indispensable where there is physical in- 
equality, in order to correct to a certain extent the 
injustice of nature. Besides, who can be a king 
in Colombia? Nobody, for no foreign prince 
would accept a throne surrounded by danger and 
misery, and the generals would consider it hu- 
miliating to subordinate themselves to a comrade, 
and resign the supreme authority forever. ' ' 

He wrote that the idea of monarchy was chimerical, 
and that it should be discussed no more. In another 
letter he expressed his decision to relinquish power, 
whether Congress met or not. 

Bolivar arrived in Bogota on the 15th of January, 
1830, and on the 20th Congress began its work under 
the presidency of Sucre. With the inauguration of 
the Congress, Bolivar considered that his public duties 
had ended, and in that sense he published an eloquent 
proclamation, which closed with this supreme appeal : 



206 sim6n bolivar 

' ' Fellow citizens, listen to my last words, at the 
end of my political career. In the name of Co- 
lombia, I beg you, I pray you, always to remain 
united so that you may not become the murderers 
of your country and your own murderers." 

In this proclamation he mentioned the fact that a 
crown had been offered to him more than once, and 
that he had rejected the offers with the indignation 
befitting a strong republican. In his message to the 
Congress, he offered to obey any person elected to 
occupy his place and to support him with his sword 
and all his strength. 

"The Republic will be happy," he said, "if, on 
accepting my resignation, you appoint as Presi- 
dent a citizen loved by the country. She would 
succumb if you insisted that I command her. . . . 
Beginning today I am nothing but a citizen, armed 
for the defense of my country and for the obedi- 
ence to her government. My public functions 
have ended forever. I deliver unto you the su- 
preme authority which the will of the country 
conferred upon me. ' ' 

The circular issued by Bolivar from Guayaquil on 
the 31st of August had been received by Paez, who 
circulated it in Venezuela, and organized demon- 
strations asking for the separation of Venezuela from 
Colombia. As the union of Colombia had been Boli- 
var's greatest conception, he was attacked, and in 
Valencia his ostracism was demanded. Paez was asked 
to prevent his entering Venezuelan territory. Wher- 



ON THE ROAD TO CALVARY 207 

ever Paez exercised any influence, Bolivar's authority- 
was denounced, and Paez was asked to assume the 
highest authority of the country. Bolivar was insulted 
by the press of his own nation, which called him a 
tyrant and a hypocrite, and insisted on his banish- 
ment. At last Paez declared himself openly. He 
went to Caracas, approved the rebellion of the capi- 
tal against Bolivar, broke with him, declared Vene- 
zuela a sovereign state, appointed a cabinet and con- 
voked a congress to meet in Valencia. He asked the 
people for subsidies for the war against Bolivar, and 
at the same time wrote a letter to the Libertador 
warning him not to oppose the will of the Venezue- 
lans, who were ready, he said, to deliver themselves 
to the Spaniards rather than to Bolivar. 

The Congress of Colombia had asked Bolivar to re- 
main in command, to suppress anarchy, and to fulfill 
his promise that he would exercise power until the 
constitution had been proclaimed and magistrates 
duly elected. Bolivar accepted provisionally, and 
immediately tried to obtain a friendly compromise 
with Venezuela. He wanted to have a personal inter- 
view with Paez, but Paez declined. He had unsheathed 
the sword Bolivar had given him, and the one he had 
sworn to carry according to the will of the Libertador. 
The Congress of Colombia appointed a constitutional 
committee, and Bolivar proposed that a peace mission 
be sent to Venezuela to make known the intentions of 
the national representation, and to show the basis of 



208 sim6n bolivar 

the constitution, in order to destroy any suspicions 
which might have been conceived in Venezuela regard- 
ing this document. The mission was appointed, one 
of its members being the illustrious General Sucre, 
President of the Congress, another, its Vice-President. 
The Commissioners were asked to inform the Vene- 
zuelan people that the future constitution was to be 
entirely republican, that the Congress hoped to obtain 
a friendly agreement with Venezuela, and that the 
Congress was firmly decided to preserve the princi- 
ples of integrity of the Republic and unity of the 
government in the new constitution; that all dissen- 
sions were to be forgotten and that all existing dif- 
ferences would be settled in a friendly way. Sucre 
said very frankly that, considering the state of affairs 
in Venezuela, he did not expect favorable results. 
The basis of the constitution as finally adopted pro- 
vided that 

"the republic should be unitary according to its 
fundamental law; the government should be 
popular, representative and elected for terms of 
eight years; the legislative power should be di- 
vided among the Senate, the House of Repre- 
sentatives and the Executive; there was to be a 
Council of State to help the President of the 
Republic, and this Council should have no re- 
sponsibility except in the case of treachery; the 
Cabinet officers were^ to be responsible. Local 
legislatures were to be created to take care of 
local interests; individual rights were guaran- 
teed." 1 



2 Larrazabal— Vida de Bolivar. Vol. II (6th Edition), New 
York, 1883, p. 531. 



ON THE ROAD TO CALVARY 209 

Bolivar showed his generosity again by pardoning 
those who were in exile on account of the conspiracy 
of the 25th of September, and then asked permission 
of the Congress to be relieved of his duties because 
of ill health. Once obtaining permission, he went to 
a country place to recover. He was never again to 
exercise the executive authority of Colombia. Using 
his power, he appointed General Domingo Caicedo to 
take his place. He was a very kindly and patriotic 
man and the one best suited to mediate between the 
contending parties. 

The peace commission was not even received in 
Venezuelan territory, but had to stay on the border 
to meet the delegates appointed by Paez, one of whom 
was Marino. Claiming that Bolivar was oppressing 
Nueva Granada, Paez had prepared himself for a cam- 
paign, not only to support the Venezuelan Revolution 
but to deliver Nueva Granada from its so-called op- 
pressor. The real cause was simply his inordinate 
ambition. The conferences between the two groups 
were fruitless, and the delegates of the Congress with- 
drew. Meanwhile, Paez was issuing proclamation after 
proclamation against Bolivar, who had to leave the 
country place where he was caring for his health and 
go to Bogota to meet' the new situation. He was asked 
to resume the supreme command, but he knew that he 
was not strong enough for the task. He consulted the 
Ministers and some friends, but nothing was decided. 
Some members of the Congress wanted to elect him 



210 SIMON BOLIVAR 

constitutional President; these, however, were vehe- 
mently attacked by others. Many friends deserted 
the Libertador, knowing perfectly well they had little 
to expect from a life which was rapidly nearing the 
end. Bolivar saw all this, learned of the intrigues of 
his enemies, and, convinced that the best thing he 
could do was to withdraw not only from power but 
from the country he had loved so dearly and for 
which he had done so much, he sent a message on the 
27th of April, 1830, to the Congress, in which he re- 
iterated his decision not to accept again the supreme 
power of the state. 

' ' You must be assured, ' ' he said, ' ' that the good 
of the country imposes on me the sacrifice of leav- 
ing forever the land which gave me life, in order 
that my presence in Colombia may not be an ob- 
stacle to the happiness of my fellow citizens. ' ' 

Three days later, Congress answered, praising the 
patriotic disinterestedness of Bolivar and protesting 
that the country would always respect and venerate 
him, and take care that the luster of his name should 
pass to posterity in a manner befitting the founder 
of Colombian independence. 1 



i Upon the disruption of Colombia, Nueva Granada kept her 
old name. Later she changed it to Colombia. It is necessary 
to bear in mind that Colombia of today is only a part of Boli- 
var 's Colombia. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Friends and Foes. Sucre's Assassination. The Lees 
of Bitterness. An Upright Man's Death 

(1830) 

Bolivar prepared to go to Cartagena, where he in- 
tended to sail for Jamaica or Europe. His melancholy 
was relieved by a message from Quito, in which the 
most prominent citizens asked him to select as his 
residence that city, where he was respected and ad- 
mired. "Come," they said, "to live in our hearts and 
to receive the homage of gratitude and respect due to 
the genius of America, the Liberator of a world. ' ' The 
Bishop of Quito, Monsignor Rafael Lasso, also sent a 
communication, in his own name and in the name of 
the clergy, endorsing the petition. Bolivar did not ac- 
cept this invitation. On May third, the constitution 
of Colombia was signed, and on the following day don 
Joaquin Mosquera and General Domingo Caicedo were 
elected President and Vice-President of Colombia, re- 
spectively. Bolivar showed his pleasure at the result, 
and uttered the following words : 

"I am reduced to the private life which I have 
so much desired and, if the Congress wants any 
special proof of my blind obedience to the consti- 
tution and the laws, I am ready to give whatever 
may be asked. ' ' 



212 SIMON BOLIVAR 

He left the palace and went to live in a private resi- 
dence. There he received a delegation of the prin- 
cipal citizens of Bogota, who placed in his hands a 
beautiful document containing the following words, 
especially worthy of notice : 

"You conquered the plane upon which our 
future happiness will be built and, believing your- 
self to be an obstacle to that happiness, you resign 
voluntarily the first authority, protesting never 
again to take the reins of government. Such a 
noble, generous and magnanimous action places 
you above heroes. History has its pages filled 
with the actions of brave soldiers and fortunate 
warriors, but it can make them beautiful only with 
the actions of a Washington or a Bolivar. In 
private life, you will receive unmistakable proofs 
of our devotion to your person. We shall always 
remember your merits and services, and we shall 
teach our children to pronounce your name with 
tender emotions of admiration and gratitude." 

This document was signed on May 5, 1830, by 
Caicedo, the Vice-President, in the exercise of the 
executive power, the Archbishop of Bogota, the mem- 
bers of the Cabinet and 2,000 distinguished citizens. 
Three days later, Bolivar left Bogota, accompanied for 
six miles by the members of the Cabinet, the ministers 
of the diplomatic corps, many military men and citi- 
zens, and almost all the member of the foreign colo- 
nies. The following day, Congress passed a decree 
which is an honor to it and to Bolivar, by which horn- 



Sucre's assassination 213 

age of gratitude and admiration was paid him in the 
name of Colombia, and it was ordered that wherever 
Bolivar might choose to live he should be treated 
always with the respect and consideration due the first 
and best citizen of Colombia. In that same decree, it 
was ordered that a pension of 30,000 pesos per year, 
decreed to Bolivar in 1823, be punctually paid for life. 

Among the many sad things which can be told of 
this man of sorrows, is the fact that this pension was 
sorely needed. In March of that year he had been 
forced to sell his silver, and even then did not have 
enough money to pay for his trip. 

On his way to the Caribbean, Bolivar received 
homage in all the towns he entered. He advised every- 
body to respect the law and to obey the government. 
Every day saw him poorer. His personal fortune in 
Venezuela had been greatly diminished, and posses- 
sions left to him by his ancestors were involved in 
litigation. Consequently, he could count on very little. 
He had planned to sail from Cartagena, but was unable 
to do so. From there he endeavored to secure some 
money from his relatives in Caracas, in which effort he 
failed. 

While in Cartagena he received news of several in- 
surrections in favor of the integrity of Colombia and 
of himself as head of the nation. Bolivar refused to 
heed these calls, and continued his life of poverty, 
embittered and saddened by the news received that 
Antonio Jose de Sucre, his beloved friend and lieu- 



214 SIMON BOLIVAR. 

tenant, the hero of Pichincha and Ayacucho, had been 
murdered on his way to Quito, on the 4th of June, 
while crossing a mountain called Berrueeos. It is 
difficult to conceive how Sucre could have had 
enemies, he who was perhaps the purest and kindest 
figure of all the American War of Independence, all 
generosity, forgiveness and benevolence. He was rid- 
ing alone when shot from an ambush. His orderly, 
who was at some distance behind him, rushed to the 
scene only to find that Sucre was dead. His corpse 
remained there that afternoon and all night. On the 
following day the soldier buried him in the forest. 1 

That news was perhaps the last blow to Bolivar. 
The day he received it he was attacked with a severe 
cold, which he neglected and which developed into his 
fatal illness, an illness which had been long latent in 
his frail body. He remarked that the murder had 
perturbed his spirit. As a matter of fact, from the 
day he received the news, he sank rapidly in both 
mind and body. 

Venezuela was doing her best to thrust the dagger 



i Sucre's body was lost for a long while. In the Panthpjn 
of Caracas there are three beautiful monuments: the one in the 
center contains Bolivar's ashes; the one to the right, which we 
have already described, is devoted to Miranda; the one to the 
left is devoted to Sucre, and contains an expression of hope 
that some day Venezuela can pay homage to her great son. 
The body of Sucre has been found at last in Quito, and it is 
expected that very soon it will occupy its place near Bolivar, 
Sucre's leader and friend. (See: Manuel Segundo Sanchez, 
Los Eestos de Sucre, Caracas, 1918.) 



Sucre's assassination 215 

still deeper in Bolivar's heart. Since she had decided 
to withdraw from the Union, it was resolved by Con- 
gress that no negotiations should be exchanged between 
Venezuela and Nueva Granada while ' ' General Simon 
Bolivar remains in the territory of old Colombia. ' ' One 
representative proposed, as a provision for the con- 
tinued relations between Venezuela and Nueva Gran- 
ada, the expulsion of General Bolivar from all the 
territory of Colombia, and his motion was accepted. 
Most of the former friends of the dying man were 
now his bitter enemies, all due to the ambition of Paez 
and the intrigues of his partisans and of those who, in 
good faith, believed that idealistic republican princi- 
ples could meet the practical needs of Colombia. 

The President of Colombia, Mosquera, committed 
so many errors in government that he lost his pres- 
tige and was forced to leave Bogota. The govern- 
ment then passed into the hands of Caicedo. A mili- 
tary insurrection overthrew the President and the 
Vice-President, and the military element proclaimed 
Bolivar chief of the republic, granting him full pow- 
ers. General Urdaneta, old friend and constant com- 
panion of Bolivar, was entrusted provisionally with 
the executive power, and he organized a cabinet. He 
at once sent a commission to meet the Libertador in 
Cartagena. Many friends wrote Bolivar beseeching 
him to return to Bogota to establish public order. 
The foreign representatives also used their influence 



216 sim6n bolivar 

to induce Bolivar to accept authority, for he was the 
only guaranty of peace. 1 

Bolivar, declining to accept command of the in- 
surrection and condemning the movement, sent Gen- 
eral O'Leary to the assembly provisionally organized 
to advise them to use the right of petition and to in- 
form them that he condemned all other actions. He 
reiterated his offer to serve as a citizen and as a sol- 
dier, and repeated that he would not accept any posi- 
tion except as the majority of the people willed. In a 
letter to Urdaneta he said that between him and the 



i Among the foreign representatives who showed pleasure at 
the idea of Bolivar's accepting the power was the representa- 
tive of the United States. 

It is worthy of notice that the reputation of Bolivar as an 
ambitious man was discredited in the State Department at 
"Washington by the very person thought to be its originator. 
When Watts was in Bogota, in his correspondence with Clay 
(No. 19, Nov. 28, 1826), he asserted that he did not believe in 
the anti-republicanism of Bolivar, who had consolidated the 
departments and acted with prudence and discretion. Watts 
expressed his firm conviction that Bolivar would not act as dic- 
tator but in conformity with the constitution, stating also the 
fact that Bolivar had refused the Bolivian and Peruvian dic- 
tatorships. In his communication of March 2, 1827 (No. 26), 
Watts denies the rumors of the monarchial ambitions of Boli- 
var, and says that he has nothing but the greatest magnanim- 
ity. On March 15, Watts himself asked Bolivar to assume 
power. 

All these stories of disinterestedness seem to be contradicted 
in the correspondence of Harrison and Van Buren. In his note 
of May 27, 1829 (No. 13), Harrison speaks of monarchical 
plots, expressing his belief that Bolivar is behind them, found- 
ing his assertions only on the opposition of Bolivar to foreign 
princes. He is very free in speaking of plans, but he gives no 
precise data about them. In his note of July 28, 1829 (No. 18), 
Harrison states that the monarchists are determined to put 



Sucre's assassination 217 

presidency there was "a bronze wall," which was the 
law. He advised them to wait until the election could 
be held, and said that he would then assume the ex- 
ecutive power in case he were chosen in free elec- 
tions held according to the law. This letter was the 
last public defense of his career. The last principle 
he sought to establish was the most sound of repub- 
lican principles. 

"The source of legality," he wrote, "is the 
free will of the people; not the agitation of a 
mutiny nor the votes of friends." 

From Cartagena he went to a town called Soledad, 
and then to Barranquilla, where he remained during 



Bolivar on. the throne, and adds that he saw a letter of "a man 
in high position who has enjoyed the entire confidence of Boli- 
var, but who is now in complete opposition to all his schemes 
of personal aggrandizement. ' ' Bolivar, according to this letter, 
intended to become the monarch of Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. 
Then Harrison mentions the printing of a paper on the evils 
of free government, and states that that paper, of which he had 
seen a single copy, had the purpose of making propaganda 
in favor of Bolivar, but had been suppressed for fear that it 
would injure Bolivar's cause. All this sounds very much like 
personal hostility, and shows that the practice of some diplo- 
matic representatives of making trouble for the countries where 
they are accredited instead of representing their own country 
in a dignified manner is not new. 

After the correspondence of Harrison, we find the papers of 
Moore to Van Buren. In No. 10 of December 21, 1829, Moore 
affirms that Bolivar had no monarchical designs and encloses a 
letter of Bolivar to O 'Leary, ridiculing monarchical govern- 
ment. That letter is dated August 21, 1829, and in it Boli- 
var suggests the election of another president. Moore accuses 
Harrison of insulting the Colombian government. 

The author is indebted to Dr. Julius Goebel, Jr., for the ref- 
erences to these papers. 



218 sim6n bolivak 

October and November, receiving daily news of the 
insults with which Venezuela was rewarding his ser- 
vices, and knowing very little of the good work of his 
friends, for he still had friends in several sections of 
the countries he had set free. All Nueva Granada 
was in favor of his assuming power as supreme chief 
of the republic. Ecuador proclaimed him father of 
his country and protector of Southern Colombia, and 
the government of Bolivia, learning that he was going 
to Europe, decided to appoint him its ambassador to 
the Holy See. 

But Bolivar was preparing for his last voyage. He 
planned to go to Santa Marta, where his friends urged 
him to rest. His physician heartily approved, think- 
ing that there his health might improve. When he 
arrived at Santa Marta, on the 1st of December, he 
had to be carried in a chair. Subsequent to an ex- 
amination by a French and an American physician, he 
was sent to a country place called San Pedro Alejan- 
drino, situated about three miles from Santa Marta, 
where he obtained temporary relief. On the 10th 
there were symptoms of congestion of the brain, but 
they disappeared. The same day he drafted his will 
and, not desiring to die without speaking again to his 
fellow citizens, issued his last proclamation, which 
read as follows: 

''Colombians, you have witnessed my efforts 
to establish freedom where tyranny formerly 
reigned. I have worked unselfishly, giving up 



Sucre's assassination 219 

; my fortune and my tranquillity. I resigned the 
command when I was convinced that you did not 
trust my disinterestedness. My foes availed 
themselves of your credulity and trampled upon 
what is most sacred to me — my reputation as a 
lovor of freedom. I have been a victim of my 
persecutors, who have led me to the border of 
the tomb. I forgive them. 

' " Upon disappearing from your midst, my love 
prompts me to express my last wishes. I aspire 
to no other glory than the consolidation of Co- 
lombia; all must work for the invaluable bless- 
ing of union ; the peoples, obeying the present 
government, in order to free themselves from 
anarchy; the ministers of the Sanctuary, by send- 
ing prayers to Heaven ; and the soldiers, by using 
their swords to protect the sanctions of social 
order. 

' ' Colombians, my last wishes are for the happi- 
ness of our country. If my death can help to 
destroy the spirit of partisanship, and strengthen 
union, I shall tranquilly descend to my grave." 

After this act he became delirious and, calling his 
servant, he said : "Joseph, let us go away. They are 
throwing us out of here. "Where shall we go?" On 
the 17th of December, at one o 'clock in the afternoon, 
the great man of the South, one of the greatest men 
in the history of the world, died. On that same day, 
eleven years before, in Angostura, Colombia had been 
created by his genius. He died at the age of forty- 
seven and one-half years. 



220 sim6n bolivar 

''Few men have lived such a beautiful life in 
the whirlpool of action; nobody has died a more 
noble death in the peace of his bed." 1 

His death was the end of Colombia. 

For twelve years his remains rested in Santa Marta, 
and then they were carried to Caracas, where they 
now lie in the Pantheon, between two empty coffins, 
that of Miranda en his right and that destined for 
Sucre on his left. 

There the Venezuelans honor him as the protecting 
genius of their country. They have blotted from the 
memory of man the ingratitude of their forefathers. 
They live in constant veneration of the great man, 
and consider him as the creator and protector of their 
country, and the greatest source of inspiration to live 
austerely and united within Venezuela, since they 
cannot form a part of that greater country, the dream 
of which went with Bolivar to his tomb. 

A patriot, a general as great as the greatest who 
ever lived, a statesman possessing an exceptional 
wisdom and a vision which has been justified by a 
century of American history, a loyal friend, a man of 
generous and liberal nature, always forgiving, always 
opening his arms wide to his enemies, always giving 
all that he had in material wealth and in spiritual 
gifts, a conqueror of the oppressors of his country, a 
founder of three nations (which later were converted 

i Bolivar— J. E. Eod6. 



Sucre's assassination 221 

into five, by the disruption of Colombia) ; the man 
who consolidated the independence of America, mak- 
ing his power felt as far as the provinces of the River 
Plata and Chile ; a symbol of freedom, even in Europe 
where his name was like a flag to all those who fought 
oppression; a sincere republican — all this was Simon 
Bolivar, and he was something more. He was the 
best personification of his own race, the Spanish race, 
which made him the brother of Morillo, Latorre and 
Rodil, a race which lives in twenty nations of the 
earth and in whose memory all names now stand 
equal, if they represent the same principles, whether 
they were written in Covadonga or Carabobo, by the 
sword of Pelayo or by the sword of Bolivar. 

A man who writes of Bolivar's life, actions and 
sorrows, can hardly retain the serenity of the his- 
torian, but surrenders to that deep emotion composed 
of profound awe and human love, and, though his 
work may have been begun impersonally, it ends with 
the creation in his heart of those deep feelings which 
at times have no better expression than tears. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The Man and His Work 

Bolivar was of rather less than medium height, 
thin and agile. In all his actions he showed quick- 
ness and alertness. He had large, black, piercing 
eyes, his eyebrows were curved and thick; his nose 
straight and long; his cheeks somewhat sunken; his 
mouth, not particularly well formed but expressive 
and graceful. From early youth his forehead was 
deeply lined. His neck was erect; his chest, narrow. 
At one period of his life he wore a mustache and side- 
whiskers, but he resumed shaving about 1825, when 
grey hair began to appear. His hair was auburn at 
first, and his complexion very white in his youth, but 
tanned after his long campaigns. His appearance 
evidenced frankness of character, and his body, spir- 
itual energy. 

Bolivar was always a great reader. In his style 
and his quotations he shows his predilection for the 
classics, especially for Plutarch's "Lives." He also 
read much of the literature of the French Revolution. 
He was a very impressive orator; his addresses and 
proclamations show much emphasis, and the rhetorical 
artifice is apparent, as it is in all literature of this 
kind. In his letters he uses a very simple and natu- 
rally witty style. He was a great coiner of sentences, 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 223 

many of which can he found in his proclamations and 
addresses. His political perspicacity was remarkable. 
He could and did break the conventionalities and the 
political principles sacred in that epoch, to formulate 
those which were better for the condition of the 
country. He was a shrewd judge of men, and knew 
how to honor them and please them for the good of 
the cause they defended. All his intellectual power 
was necessary to become a master of men like Paez 
and Bermudez. His mental alertness was exceptional. 
He could make a decision promptly without showing 
the effect of haste. He had a brain for large prob- 
lems and for small details. He would attend to the 
organization of his army down to the most minute 
details, as well as to the preparations for long cam- 
paigns. 

The most admirable moral quality of Bolivar was 
his constancy. It rose above everything. 

His energy was marvelous to carry him through the 
difficulties he had to encounter. In defeat he had 

"the virtue of Antheus as no other hero had to 
such a degree; a singular virtue of growing to 
more gigantic proportions when the fall had been 
deepest and hardest; he had something like a 
strengthening power to assimilate the sap of ad- 
versity and of discredit, not through the lessons 
of experience, but through the unconscious and 
immediate reaction of a nature which thus ful- 
fils its own laws. His personality as a warrior 
has in this characteristic the seal which individ- 



224 SIMON BOLIVAR 

ualizes it, as was aptly said in a few words by his 
adversary, the Spanish general Morillo: 'More 
fearful vanquished than victor.' ' n 

His soul could be like steel, as in the case of Piar, 
and it could be soft, as in his untiring forgiveness to 
Santander. His generosity was unlimited. He gave 
all. Any soldier could come to him and receive money. 
It is said that no common soldier went away from 
him with less than a dollar. When he was on his way 
to Cartagena, having resigned power forever, when he 
was writing to Caracas for money, at a time when he 
had not enough to pay his transportation abroad, he 
was still giving of his limited resources to all who 
begged of him. 

His ambition was legitimate. In a communication 
he acknowledged that he was not free from all ambi- 
tion; but that does not mean that he yielded to it. 
Virtue does not lie in the absence of temptation, but 
in fighting it successfully. He was truly ambitious 
for glory, and when glory is as legitimate as his was, 
there is no worthier ambition. He was accused by 
Lorain Petre of craving flattery, and of having been 
delighted with the homage paid him on his way to 
Potosi. Great men have been flattered always, and 
that they are flattered does not mean that they like 
flattery. Furthermore, there is a certain delicate flat- 
tery which every man likes. We, sober-minded Amer- 



i Bolivar — J. E. Bode. 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 235 

ieans, have often heard some of our great men who 
are still living, even called saints, and we do not feel 
shocked. After having given life to three countries, 
one of them composed of three large divisions, Bolivar 
could receive homage without finding it incongruous 
or exaggerated. 

He was refined in manner and always a gentleman. 
In his campaigns he was careless of his clothing 
through necessity, but when in the cities he liked to 
have all the refinements. He never thought of money ; 
he would spend it if he had it, and if he did not spend 
it, he gave it away. He enjoyed society and was a 
great admirer of women. "He knelt before love, 
without surrendering his sword to it." 

He was human. He enjoyed a good joke, and some- 
times his jokes hurt. It is related that once, after a 
long march, he arrived at a small town where he ex- 
pected to get some food. He was received by the 
notables of the town, among them a young intellectual, 
who took from his pocket a long address. Bolivar 
listened to the beginning and at once knew that it was 
going to be not only long but tedious. The young 
man came to a sentence reading: "When Caesar 
crossed the Rubicon . . ., " at which point Bolivar 
interrupted him, saying, ' ' My dear friend, when Caesar 
crossed the Rubicon he had had his breakfast, and 
I have not yet had mine. Let us first have breakfast. ' ' 
Generally, he respected everyone's feelings, and was 
much inclined to praise others, the living as well as 



226 SIMON BOLIVAR 

the dead. We may well remember the honors paid to 
Girardot, his beautiful words in homage to Cedeno 
and Plaza, how Paez received his dues after the battle 
of Carabobo, and how Sucre was given his right place 
as one of the most legitimate glories of the continent 
by Bolivar. Speaking of Anzoategui's death, he said : 
' ' I would have preferred the loss of two battles to the 
loss of Anzoategui." No more beautiful way could 
be found to be generous while being just. 

"We have called Bolivar a gentleman; we might 
rather call him a knight. He loved an ideal and 
lived for that ideal, and that ideal was his last thought 
before he went to his rest. 

He was judged in Europe and North America in 
very flattering terms. Daniel Webster, J. H. Per- 
kins and Joseph Story, in the name of the Bunker 
Hill Monument Association, wrote Bolivar the fol- 
lowing : 

"When we read of the enormous sacrifice of 
personal fortune, the calmness in difficult situa- 
tions, the exercise without misuse of a power 
greater than imperial power, the repeated refusal 
of dictatorship, the simplicity of your republican 
habits and the submission to the constitution and 
law which has so gloriously distinguished the ca- 
reer of Your Excellency, we believe that we see 
the image of our venerated Washington. At the 
same time that we admire and respect his vir- 
tues, we feel moved by the greatest sympathy to 
pay equal homage to the hero and Liberator of 
the South." 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 227 

Martin Van Buren wrote : 

"What better example could be presented of 
human glory than that of the great chieftain who, 
after having successfully resisted foreign aggres- 
sion and extinguished domestic commotion, also 
conquered the weakness to which noble hearts 
have been subjected at all times." 

Murray, an English rear admiral, wanted to present 
his homage to the "leader of all South America"; 
Lord Byron, whose yacht was called Bolivar, also ex- 
pressed his desire to visit him. Lafayette, Monsignor 
de Pradt, Martin de Nancy, Martin-Maillef er, and the 
noted Humboldt, among others, expressed their ad- 
miration for Bolivar. Victor Hugo praised him. His 
name was on the lips of the republicans of Europe 
as a symbol of liberty. 

We have seen the words of Lafayette in trans- 
mitting the present sent to Bolivar by Washington's 
family. A former member of the French Convention 
wrote to him : ' ' You are the first citizen of the world. ' ' 
The noted Irish orator O'Connell sent his son to him 
with the following words: "I am sending him to 
you, illustrious sir, in order that, admiring and imi- 
tating your example he may serve under Your Ex- 
cellency. ' ' The same was done by Sir Bobert Wilson, 
member of the English Parliament. Kosciusko's 
nephew went to him to have the honor to serve him. 
The Dutch representative in Bolivia compared him 
with William of Nassau. Bernadotte, King of Swe- 



228 sim6n bolivar 

den, spoke of a striking analogy between Bolivar and 
himself. Joseph Bonaparte, King of Spain, expressed 
his desire that Murat's son go to Bolivar as his aide- 
de-camp. Iturbide 's son preferred also to serve under 
him. J. P. Hamilton, British commissioner to the re- 
public of Colombia, says: "He is the greatest man, 
the most extraordinary character produced up to this 
day by the new world." He considers him "super- 
eminent above all heores living in the Temple of 
Fame." 

Many persons have made comparisons between 
Bolivar and Napoleon, Bolivar and Washington, and 
Bolivar and San Martin. Juan Montalvo (in "Simon 
Bolivar") writes that Bolivar is not so well known as 
Napoleon because the glamour of Napoleon's life re- 
duced to silence the lives of his contemporaries. He 
asserts that in the future, Bolivar will take his place 
beside the French Emperor. Napoleon owes his 
glory to Chateaubriand, to Lamartine, to Madame de 
Stael, to Byron, to Victor Hugo, while Bolivar has 
had few biographers, and a very few have spoken of 
him with the power and authority of those who 
praised or attacked Napoleon. 

Regarding a comparison between "Washington and 
Bolivar, Montalvo says : 

"Washington presents himself to memory and 
imagination as a great citizen rather than as a 
great warrior; as a philosopher rather than as a 
general. . . . Washington and Bolivar have in 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 229 

common their identity of purpose ; both aspired to 
the freedom of a country and the establishment of 
democracy. The difference between these two 
illustrious men lies in the excessive difficulty one 
had to conquer and the abundance with which the 
other carried on his work to the end. Bolivar, 
during several periods of the war, had no re- 
sources at all, nor did he know where to get them ; 
his indestructible love for his country, the sense 
of honor active in his breast, the fertile imagina- 
tion, the supreme will, the prodigious activities 
which formed his character, inspired in him wis- 
dom to turn the impossibility into a reality. . . . 
North America was rich, civilized and powerful 
even before its emancipation from Mother Eng- 
land; if the colonists had not had their leader, 
one hundred Washingtons would have presented 
themselves to fill the place, and not at a disad- 
vantage. "Washington was surrounded by men 
as remarkable as he was, if not better : Jefferson, 
Madison, men of great and deep counsel; 
Franklin, a genius of Heaven and earth. All 
these and many others, no matter how great they 
were, or how numerous, were as one in the service 
of the cause, were rivals in obedience. . . . 
Bolivar had to tame his lieutenants, to fight and 
to conquer his own fellow citizens, to fight one 
thousand elements conspiring against him and 
against independence, at the same time that he 
fought the Spanish legions and conquered them 
or was conquered by them. . . . Washington 
presents himself to the admiration of the world, 
more venerable and majestic, and Bolivar, higher 
and brighter. Washington established a republic 
which later became one of the greatest countries 



230 SIMON BOLIVAR 

on earth; Bolivar founded also a great country, 
but, less happy than his elder brother, saw it 
crumble down; and though he did not see his 
work destroyed, he saw it disfigured and dimin- 
ished. The successors of Washington, great citi- 
zens, philosophers and statesmen, never dreamed 
of tearing up the sacred mantle of their mother 
in order to cover their scars with rags of purple ; 
Bolivar's companions, all of them, stabbed Co- 
lombia in order to take for themselves the greatest 
prize. Washington, his work finished, accepted 
the trivial presents of his fellow citizens ; Bolivar 
refused millions offered by Peru. Washington 
declined a third presidential term in the United 
States and, like a patriarch withdrew to live tran- 
quilly in the bosom of private life, enjoying with- 
out any mixture of hate the respect of his fellow 
citizens, venerated by the people and loved by his 
friends. This singular and happy man had no 
enemies. Bolivar accepted the tempting command 
that came to harass his spirit for the third time, 
and this time from an impure source, and he died 
rejected, persecuted, insulted by many of his con- 
temporaries. Death has erased this small blemish 
and we see only the light which surrounds the 
greatest of South Americans. Washington and 
Boliver were august men, the glory of the New 
World." 1 

In reality, great men cannot be compared. Each 
one stands by himself. Washington was an able gen- 
eral, ready to sacrifice himself for his country; a 
learned man, trained in military affairs; the repre- 



i "Simon Bolivar," Juan Montalvo. 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 231 

sentative of the will of his fellow citizens, who were 
behind him in his tremendous fight for freedom. 
"Washington was the Father and the servant of his 
country. 

Bolivar did not receive special training in military 
affairs. He did not represent the will of his country, 
for his country had no will. His country really did 
not exist. Bolivar created it. He was obeying no com- 
mands but those of his conscience. He was making 
something out of nothing, and in his campaigns it 
was the flash of genius which led him rather than 
science. 

Washington was successful as a military com- 
mander and more so as a statesman; Bolivar had 
remarkable successes and crushing defeats as a gen- 
eral, and, as a statesman, he showed a vision which 
amounted to inspiration — but the creation of his mind 
and soul, Colombia, was a sad failure. Washington 
lived in a country of law; Bolivar had to make the 
law. When Washington was absent from a place, law 
remained in that place ; when Bolivar turned his back, 
law was violated. 

San Martin is a noble figure. He stands alone in 
the southernmost part of America. He did not be- 
grudge praise given Bolivar, whose superiority he 
acknowledged by withdrawing in time from the scene 
in America. Because of this acknowledgment, San 
Martin grew greater than he had been before their 
interview in Guayaquil. To endeavor to establish 



232 sim6n bolivar 

invidious comparisons between him and Bolivar does 
harm to both heroes and good to no one. Let both 
stay where they belong, in the hearts of their fellow- 
citizens, and in the minds of lovers of freedom. 

Strong resemblance might be found between Bolivar 
and Lincoln. Both gave freedom to slaves; both 
fought a real civil war, for we must not forget that 
most of the royalists were Americans. Both were 
men of sorrows. A close examination of Bolivar's 
pictures and statues will reveal to the observer that in 
the eyes of the great man of the South is the same in- 
expressible melancholy which is obvious in those of 
our own man of sorrows, the beloved Lincoln. Bolivar 
was insulted and slandered as was Lincoln, and if 
Lincoln was assassinated by a man, Bolivar escaped 
the weapon of the assassin only to sink under poison- 
ous treachery and ingratitude. It is true that Bolivar 
was quick-tempered, at times sharp in his repartee; 
his intellectual aptness had no patience with stupidity, 
and occasionally his remarks hurt. But when the 
storm had passed, he was all benevolence, enduring 
all, forgiving all, like Lincoln. 

He compared himself with Don Quixote, an in 
many ways this comparison is the best. As Don 
Quixote, he created Dulcinea. It was riot Don Quixo- 
te 's fault that the lady of his thoughts, the ideal 
Dulcinea, proved to be just the uncouth peasant girl, 
Aldonza Lorenzo. Bolivar's Dulcinea was his people, 
and he was not to blame for all the weakness, the 




"Bolivar's eyes had the same melancholic expression as Lincoln's" 

From a sculpture by Tenerani 

Panteon Nacional, Caracas, Venezuela. 



THE MAN AND HIS WORK 233 

roughness, the grossness of those with whom, he came 
in contact. But the American Don Quixote had a 
higher virtue than the knight created by Cervantes, 
for Don Quixote never could transform Aldonza into 
Duicinea, while the peoples that Bolivar saw in his 
imagination, those peoples who at first were hostile to 
his work, through a century of constant purification, 
through a century during which Bolivar has become 
a symbol, a protecting genius, a warning against dan- 
ger, an irresistible force to conquer difficulties and an 
imperious finger pointing to higher destinies, are ap- 
proaching more and more each day what Bolivar 
thought they ought to be. The Aldonza Lorenzo of 
America, through Bolivar's sublime madness, rid of 
her dross, will be the Duicinea of Bolivar's dream. 




MAP TO FOLLOW BOLIVAR'S CAMPAIGNS 
(The boundary lines of Colombia are taken from Codazzi's Atlas, 1 S2M823 . The other boundaries are taken from Rand McNally's Atlas, 1919. ) 



LIDrtHrtT <jr OUNbHtM 



016 114 436 8 • 



